875 resultados para Social Sciences(all)
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v. 7 (1865-1868)
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v. 43 (1907-1908)
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v. 38 (1902-1903)
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v. 39 (1903-1904)
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Trabalho Final do Curso de Mestrado Integrado em Medicina, Faculdade de Medicina, Universidade de Lisboa, 2014
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Work is both an essential part of our daily lives and one of the major policy concerns across Europe. Yet the public debate of labour issues is all too often driven by political rhetoric and short-term concerns. In this volume, researchers from seven European countries explain, in accessible language, the findings from various social sciences and what they mean for the future of labour in Europe. The conclusions they reach are addressed to policy-makers, the business world, journalists and fellow academics, and to anyone interested in the shape, size and character of the labour markets of tomorrow. “Many valuable synergies emerged between the various strands of NEUJOBS and the in-house analytical work of the European Commission.” László Andor, European Commissioner for Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion.
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The concept of citizenship is one of the most complicated in political and social sciences. Its long process of historical development makes dealing with it particularly complicated. Citizenship is by nature a multi-dimensional concept: there is a legal citizenship, referring first to the equal legal status of individuals, for instance the equality between men and women. Legal citizenship also refers to a political dimension, the right to start and/or join political parties, or political participation more broadly. Thirdly, it has a religious dimension relating to the right of all religious groups to equally and freely practice their religious customs and rituals. Finally, legal citizenship possesses a socio-economic dimension related to the non-marginalisation of different social categories, for instance women. All of these dimensions, far from being purely objects of legal texts and codifications, are emerging as an arena of political struggle within the Egyptian society. Citizenship as a concept has its roots in European history and, more specifically, the emergence of the nation state in Europe and the ensuing economic and social developments in these societies. These social developments and the rise of the nation state have worked in parallel, fostering the notion of an individual citizen bestowed with rights and obligations. This gradual interaction was very different from what happened in the context of the Arab world. The emerging of the nation state in Egypt was an outcome of modernisation efforts from the top-down; it coercively redesigned the social structure, by eliminating or weakening some social classes in favour of others. These efforts have had an impact on the state-society relation at least in two respects. First, on the overlapping relation between some social classes and the state, and second, on the ability of some social groups to self-organise, define and raise their demands. This study identifies how different political parties in Egypt envision the multi-dimensional concept of citizenship. We focus on the following elements: Nature of the state (identity, nature of the regime) Liberties and rights (election laws, political party laws, etc.) Right to gather and organise (syndicates, associations, etc.) Freedom of expression and speech (right to protest, sit in, strike, etc.) Public and individual liberties (freedom of belief, personal issues, etc.) Rights of marginalised groups (women, minorities, etc.)
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Enquadramento: Embora o ciclo menstrual seja um fenômeno normal na vida de mulheres em idade fértil, a ele podem se associar síndromes de intensidade variável. Objectivo: Determinar o impacto da síndrome pré-menstrual e da síndrome disfórica pré-menstrual na qualidade de vida de mulheres em idade fértil, comparadas a mulheres sem essas síndromes. Material e Métodos: Procedeu-se a estudo quantitativo, descritivo, correlacional, transversal, com 60 participantes do sexo feminino (16 com síndrome pré-menstrual, 28 com sintomatologia compatível com SDPM e 16 não apresentavam sintomas compatíveis com diagnóstico), A colheita de dados foi no Ambulatório de Ginecologia do Hospital Militar de nível terciário no período de janeiro a fevereiro de 2015, apresentando idade entre 18 e 56 anos, menarca há mais de um ano; ciclos menstruais em ausência de uso de terapia de reposição hormonal, com queixas associadas ao período menstrual. Três instrumentos de recolha de dados foram empregados: um questionário de identificação da paciente e caracterização de vida reprodutiva; o Questionário de Triagem de Sintomas Pré-menstruais e o Short Form Health-Survey com 36 itens. Para organização e análise dos dados, foi empregado o programa Statistical Package for Social Sciences, na versão 21.0. As variáveis foram dicotomizadas, para análise de contingência com o teste exato de Fisher. Para comparação de médias, foram utilizados o teste de diferença de médias de amostras independentes e o teste Kruskal Wallis, todos em nível de significância de 0,05. Resultados: A prevalência de síndrome menstrual igualou-se a 76,3%, sendo 46,6% compatível com síndrome disfórica e 29,7% com síndrome pré-menstrual. Esses grupos diferiram significantemente nos sintomas de ansiedade/tensão, fadiga/perda de energia, dificuldade de concentração, fome excessiva ou anorexia e sentimento de opressão. A síndrome disfórica pré-menstrual associou-se a maior comprometimento de relações sociais, familiares e domésticas, bem como à perda de saúde geral e de saúde mental, nos domínios de vitalidade, funções sociais, limitações devidas a problemas emocionais e saúde mental. Essas alterações não interferiram na percepção da libido e de orgasmo, mas alguns domínios da qualidade de vida estiveram associados a características reprodutivas. Conclusão: As síndromes pré-menstruais comprometem a qualidade de vida das utentes e requerem assistência voltada à melhoria do conhecimento das mulheres sobre seu problema de saúde. Palavras-chave: Síndrome pré-menstrual, Síndrome disfórica pré-menstrual, Qualidade de vida.
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Gaining valid answers to so-called sensitive questions is an age-old problem in survey research. Various techniques have been developed to guarantee anonymity and minimize the respondent's feelings of jeopardy. Two such techniques are the randomized response technique (RRT) and the unmatched count technique (UCT). In this study we evaluate the effectiveness of different implementations of the RRT (using a forced-response design) in a computer-assisted setting and also compare the use of the RRT to that of the UCT. The techniques are evaluated according to various quality criteria, such as the prevalence estimates they provide, the ease of their use, and respondent trust in the techniques. Our results indicate that the RRTs are problematic with respect to several domains, such as the limited trust they inspire and non-response, and that the RRT estimates are unreliable due to a strong false "no" bias, especially for the more sensitive questions. The UCT, however, performed well compared to the RRTs on all the evaluated measures. The UCT estimates also had more face validity than the RRT estimates. We conclude that the UCT is a promising alternative to RRT in self-administered surveys and that future research should be directed towards evaluating and improving the technique.
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In modern democratic systems, usually no single collective actor is able to decisively influence political decision-making. Instead, actors with similar preferences form coalitions in order to gain more influence in the policy process. In the Swiss political system in particular, institutional veto points and the consensual culture of policy-making provide strong incentives for actors to form large coalitions. Coalitions are thus especially important in political decision-making in Switzerland, and are accordingly a central focus of this book. According to one of our core claims - to understand the actual functioning of Swiss consensus democracy - one needs to extend the analysis beyond formal institutions to also include informal procedures and practices. Coalitions of actors play a crucial role in this respect. They are a cornerstone of decision-making structures, and they inform us about patterns of conflict, collaboration and power among actors. Looking at coalitions is all the more interesting in the Swiss political system, since the coalition structure is supposed to vary across policy processes. Given the absence of a fixed government coalition, actors need to form new coalitions in each policy process.
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Basic grammatical categories may carry social meaning irrespective of their semantic content. In a set of four studies, we demonstrate that verbs – a basic linguistic category present and distinguishable in most languages – are related to the perception of agency, a fundamental dimension in social perception. In an archival analysis on actual language use in Polish and German, we found that targets stereotypically associated with high agency (men and young people) are presented in the immediate neighborhood of a verb more often than non-agentic social targets (women and old people). Moreover, in three experiments using a pseudo-word paradigm, verbs (but not adjectives and nouns) were consistently associated with agency (but not communion). These results provide consistent evidence that verbs, as grammatical vehicles of action, are linguistic markers of agency. In demonstrating meta-semantic effects of language, these studies corroborate the view of language as a social tool and of language as an integral part of social perception.
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Se presenta, y analiza en primera instancia, una entrevista realizada a un profesor en Educación Física de una escuela secundaria privada de la ciudad de La Plata. La misma se enmarca en el trabajo de campo realizado para producir la tesis de Maestría en Sociales con orientación en Educación (en curso, Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, Ciudad de Buenos Aires), que se pregunta por sentidos y prácticas en torno a la asignatura Educación Física en la mencionada institución. Se toma como marco teórico principal la idea de vida cotidiana escolar de Elsie Rockwell y el concepto de prácticas de Pierre Bourdieu. Asimismo, se toma como referencia bibliografía sobre la llamada ?educación de las elites?, especialmente los trabajos de Guillermina Tiramonti y Sandra Ziegler. Entre los sentidos que se identifican en la entrevista se destacan la intención de una Educación Física que genere hábitos o aprendizajes que se puedan aplicar más allá del espacio y del tiempo escolar, pensar a la asignatura como transmitiendo valores, y cierta deportivización de la misma. Asimismo, se reconocen alusiones a cuestiones de género y a la importancia dada socialmente a la materia
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Se presenta, y analiza en primera instancia, una entrevista realizada a un profesor en Educación Física de una escuela secundaria privada de la ciudad de La Plata. La misma se enmarca en el trabajo de campo realizado para producir la tesis de Maestría en Sociales con orientación en Educación (en curso, Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, Ciudad de Buenos Aires), que se pregunta por sentidos y prácticas en torno a la asignatura Educación Física en la mencionada institución. Se toma como marco teórico principal la idea de vida cotidiana escolar de Elsie Rockwell y el concepto de prácticas de Pierre Bourdieu. Asimismo, se toma como referencia bibliografía sobre la llamada ?educación de las elites?, especialmente los trabajos de Guillermina Tiramonti y Sandra Ziegler. Entre los sentidos que se identifican en la entrevista se destacan la intención de una Educación Física que genere hábitos o aprendizajes que se puedan aplicar más allá del espacio y del tiempo escolar, pensar a la asignatura como transmitiendo valores, y cierta deportivización de la misma. Asimismo, se reconocen alusiones a cuestiones de género y a la importancia dada socialmente a la materia
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Uno de los objetivos de este artículo es reconstruir la trayectoria intelectual de Juan Carlos Portantiero en torno a un conjunto limitado de sus intereses: el socialismo y la democracia, en su relación, no por separado, a la vez que ello se vincula con la articulación de una estrategia de explicación histórica y sociológica. La otra veta del artículo analiza las relaciones entre culturas políticas y ciencia social, en particular la cultura de izquierdas y el desarrollo de las ciencias sociales en América Latina. Ello se ha realizado sobre la base de una lectura de casi toda su producción intelectual, tratando de rastrear y mostrar algunas continuidades y cambios o desplazamientos en sus ideas y preocupaciones. Se muestra que Portantiero elabora una estrategia de explicación social sobre la base de Marx, Lenin, Gramsci, Mao hasta fines de los setenta, preocupado por la socialización del poder y, entonces, de la economía. Las dos últimas décadas se concentra en la construcción de las condiciones de consolidación de la democracia, pensada como un régimen que incluya reconocimiento de minorías y funcione para reducir los monopolios económicos y políticos.