845 resultados para Px4 and Civil Aircraft


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The pamphlet-sized manuscript includes "The Book of Harvard" signed "Joseph Cummings, scriptis, Janr 7th 1767," an untitled two-page essay beginning, "Wisdom is ye Crown of life" and ending "Draught of Knowledge, let us with a laudable ambition, strive to excel each other in an ardent pursuit of Learning, then shall we raise to ourselves a monument of honest fame, which shall perish only in ye general wreak of nature," and on the last page, "An Accrostick" beginning "Jangling & Discord are thy Souls delight" and spelling out JAMES MITCHEL VARNUM dated July 3, 1767 and signed "The 3d edition revised & improved by Gove & Fogg."

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Seven manuscript journals written by Abiel Heywood (Justice of the Peace, town clerk, and chairman of the board of selectmen, Concord, Mass.), Nathan Brooks, William Parkman, and John L. Tuttle containing criminal records, defaulted cases, and civil actions.

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The leather-bound notebook contains academic texts copied by Obadiah Ayer while he was a student at Harvard, and after his graduation in 1710. There is a general index to the included texts at the end of the volume.

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This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map entitled: A topographical map of the state of Rhode Island and Providence plantations, surveyed trigonometrically and in detail by James Stevens, topographer and civil engineer, Newport, R.I. 1831. It was published by James Stevens in 1832. Scale [ca. 1: 95,040]. The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the Rhode Island NAD 1983 coordinate system (in Feet) (Fipszone 3800). All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, index maps, legends, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as roads, drainage, public buildings, schools, hotels, banks, industry locations (e.g. mills, factories, mines, etc.), selected private buildings with names of property owners, town and county boundaries, canals, and more. Relief shown by hachures. Depths shown by soundings. Includes Census statistics and "Remarks".This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps from the Harvard Map Collection. These maps typically portray both natural and manmade features. The selection represents a range of originators, ground condition dates, scales, and map purposes.

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On 1 July, after months of speculation, Turkey’s Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, announced he would run in the country’s first direct presidential elections on 10 August. Erdoğan, who has dominated Turkish politics for over a decade, is viewed as the clear favourite. With current polls suggesting he could take as much as 52% of the vote, an outright victory in the first round is possible. His main rival, Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, is very much the underdog. Until recently, an international diplomat with no experience in politics, he is the joint candidate of Turkey’s two main opposition parties, the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP). Selahattin Demirtaş, the Co-Chairman of the Kurdish Peoples Democratic Party (HDP) is also in the race, but is not expected to make it into double digits. The Kurdish vote however, could prove to be crucial if the ballot goes to a second round on 24 August. With Erdoğan wanting to increase Presidential powers, the stakes are high. With his belief in majoritarian rule, and increasingly authoritarian style of governance there has been an erosion of democracy and civil liberties. Many observers fear this trend may increase.

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This study analyzes the Turkish case as a model country for the state-building processes in the Arab world in the aftermath of the Arab revolts that took place in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. To this end, it deals with the Turkish case in three phases: the founding of the Turkish Republic, political developments until 2002, and the post-2002 Justice and Development Party period. The study focuses on state-society relations manifested in the form of a secular-religious cleavage intertwined with problematic civil-military relations. Each phase of Turkey’s history is compared to cleavages and civil-military relations in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya. After analyzing the constitution-making processes in the latter three countries following the Arab revolts, the study concludes by discussing the viability of the Turkish model in the light of Turkey’s search for a new constitution.

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Addressing the issue of “women’s rights” in Egypt may seem like an easy topic from a purely legal standpoint, but the most enlightening way to do so is to adopt a holistic approach by understanding the political, social, cultural and class effects of this issue. Since 1952, people in Egypt have looked at “women’s rights” as a purely state matter, one characterised mainly by legal reforms. Until 2011, women’s rights were manipulated via a top-down approach by making changes in some policies and laws. Since 2011, with the emergence of the question of social movements, tackling women’s rights has been transformed via the use of certain tools and different perspectives. This is clearly manifested in the vast mobilisation that took place in governorates outside Cairo, which featured the use of artistic tools such as graffiti, story-telling performances, the production of feminist songs, open-microphone sessions, etc., in addition to the extensive use of social media and online campaigning to mainstream feminist ideologies and highlight violations experienced by women. Before 2011, the public space in Egypt was limited to citizens, political groups and civil society for employing legal approaches such as litigations and policy changes by direct pressure on authorities. The 2011 revolution opened the public space to the use of new tools that are not limited to protests and sit-ins, but also new media windows and new political forces who carried the question of certain rights in their agendas as well as the accessibility of different governmental actors. This paper will highlight different topics around women’s rights and gender issues in Egypt after 2011. This paper will review different gender issues after 2011, including the targeting of women in public spaces, women’s representation in decision-making bodies, legal reform, economic and social rights, and sexual and reproductive rights. It will also investigate how the feminist movement has changed and evolved since 2011, and to what degree women's issues and feminism can be analysed in a multidisciplinary way.

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Since the Muslim Brotherhood rule was toppled in July 2013, the regime of President Abd al-Fattah al-Sisi has strived to consolidate his one-man rule; he painted the political opposition and civil society as traitors and foreign agents and exploited the fight against terrorism to suppress freedom of expression, justify a crackdown on the press, eclipse justice in courtrooms, throw thousands in prison, and tighten his grip on police forces. The regime has postponed parliamentary elections for some time, while it marginalised and weakened the non-Islamist political parties that helped Sisi take power. He did so by promoting electoral lists with candidates who are loyal to the president, to ensure control over the new assembly and by obstructing any political alliance that could form an opposition. At the same time, the security apparatus has been given free rein to control the public sphere and engineer the electoral process. This may ultimately lead to a parliament that includes no advocates for rights and liberties, which is particularly significant since the incoming assembly will review the huge amount of legislation that President Sisi has issued in the absence of a parliament. In addition, shortly before elections, President Sisi raised questions about the constitution, calling for it to be amended to reduce the powers of the parliament and increase those of the president. It is thus clear that Sisi seeks not only to consolidate his regime, without political opposition, but to free his rule of any effective oversight from society or parliament.

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Desde os primórdios da história, o ser humano tem procurado criar e aperfeiçoar mecanismos que o protejam das agressões do inimigo. Neste sentido, o desenvolvimento técnico e científico em torno das blindagens tem procurado contrariar o constante aperfeiçoamento dos projécteis e do seu poder de penetração. De facto, as blindagens são muitas vezes desenvolvidas para fins específicos de forma a aumentar o seu desempenho na protecção de pessoas e equipamentos. Para cumprir este objectivo, é muitas vezes necessário recorrer a soluções inovadoras, tanto em termos dos materiais e da respectiva qualidade/quantidade utilizada no fabrico, como ao nível do formato da própria blindagem. A avaliação do desempenho das blindagens é extremamente importante para garantir a segurança do utilizador nas mais diversas actividades, tanto militares, como civis. No entanto, esta informação é considerada muitas vezes sigilosa pelo risco que representa para a sociedade militar e civil, e/ou por fortes interesses económicos por parte das empresas que comercializam estes equipamentos de protecção. Quando realizada, esta avaliação restringe-se geralmente a aspectos meramente qualitativos, tais como a verificação do dano produzido pelo projéctil. No entanto, não é usual avaliar o valor da energia remanescente de impacto que, não sendo absorvida pela blindagem, é transmitida ao utilizador ou equipamento. Por outras palavras, será a não penetrabilidade da blindagem uma condição suficiente para garantir a segurança? A presente investigação incidiu no desenvolvimento de uma metodologia experimental inovadora que permita quantificar a energia remanescente de impacto, transmitida através da blindagem ao utilizador, a quando da interacção com o projéctil. Para permitir realizar os ensaios balísticos em condições laboratoriais controladas foi desenvolvido um sistema de impulsão electromagnética que possibilita a ausência de ruído, de fumos ou clarões, consentindo o disparo de diferentes tipos de projécteis com ajuste contínuo da energia de impacto. Para testar a metodologia desenvolvida foram utilizadas blindagens representativas das actividades do Exército Português. De facto, o contributo do presente trabalho permite preencher uma lacuna na avaliação de blindagens, apresentando-se como uma mais-valia, na medida que poderá ser utilizado futuramente pelo Exército Português para uma avaliação independente de blindagens.

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O objetivo dessa dissertação é analisar como as ideias sobre a juventude, representadas pelos discursos oriundos de diferentes materiais empíricos – documentos governamentais e de organizações da sociedade civil e entrevistas não-estruturadas – e a forma pela qual os jovens são reconhecidos como sujeitos de direitos influenciaram o processo de formação das políticas de juventude no Brasil e institucionalização do tema em âmbito federal, assim como a escolha pelas estratégias administrativas que constituem as principais formas de ação e de gestão governamental no tema. Para isso, adotamos como ponto de partida a reflexão sobre o uso da retórica, por meio de metáforas e narrativas na formação e trajetória das políticas, a existência de coalizões discursivas em seu desenvolvimento e a utilização de frames (enquadramentos interpretativos) no exame dos pontos de inflexão das ações para a juventude no Brasil. Em seguida, identificamos as principais ideias sobre as juventudes presentes no campo e analisamos como elas alimentaram o reconhecimento dos jovens enquanto segmento social diferenciado dos demais em função da sua “condição juvenil” e enquanto sujeitos de direitos integrais. Com base nessas concepções, examinamos a criação e a definição as principais funções da Secretaria Nacional de Juventude, a partir de um debate sobre o conceito de transversalidade, e a formulação e trajetória do Programa Nacional de Inclusão de Jovens (PROJOVEM), adentrando o debate sobre a intersetorialidade nas políticas públicas. A principal contribuição dessa pesquisa foi relacionar como as ideias e discursos influem não apenas na formação de políticas, mas também como as construções sociais que emergem do campo, balizadas pelo reconhecimento dos sujeitos de direitos, também impactam nas estratégias de gestão. Conclui-se, ainda, que apesar da crescente importância atribuída à gestão transversal e à articulação intersetorial na gestão das políticas de juventude no Brasil, são as próprias concepções que orientam sua escolha como estratégias administrativas das quais decorrem os principais limites para a sua operacionalização cotidiana pela administração pública brasileira em nível federal.

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Objectifs : le principal objectif de notre projet doctoral consiste à mettre en relief les transformations qui ont marqué le développement de l’oncologie et de la lutte contre le cancer au Québec au 20e siècle. Pour ce faire, nous nous sommes penchées sur trois niveaux d’analyse : 1) le niveau micro aborde l’organisation des services médicaux au sein d’une organisation hospitalière, soit l’Hôtel-Dieu de Québec. 2) Le niveau méso analyse une lutte professionnelle, soit la lutte entre les hématologues et les oncologues médicaux pour la reconnaissance de l’oncologie médicale. 3) Le niveau macro s’intéresse à l’organisation de la lutte contre le cancer à travers la province de Québec et aux différents modèles organisationnels créés. Principale hypothèse : l’émergence et la transformation de l’oncologie et de la lutte contre le cancer ont été influencées des rapports de collaboration et de compétition entre les acteurs impliqués en oncologie. En effet, il apparaît que ce champ se trouve en tension entre l’obligation de collaborer pour offrir des services de qualité aux patients et les dynamiques professionnelles et/ou organisationnelles. Cadre théorique : un cadre théorique a été développé pour chacun des niveaux d’analyse. Le niveau micro s’inspire des travaux de Frickel, Abbott et Strauss et s’intéresse plus particulièrement aux négociations entourant l’ordre social au sein d’un hôpital universitaire; le niveau méso emploie les travaux de Bourdieu et Abbott pour analyser la lutte entre deux spécialités médicales pour le contrôle des agents de chimiothérapie; et le niveau macro, de la sociologie des organisations et de la théorie néo-institutionnaliste pour mettre en relief l’émergence et la transformation de la lutte contre le cancer au Québec au 20e siècle. Méthodologie : l’approche de l’étude de cas a été adoptée et chaque niveau d’analyse constitue une étude de cas à part entière. Le corpus de données se compose de données archivistiques recueillies dans 10 centres d’archives canadiens, et de données d’entrevues. Une soixantaine d’entrevues avec des oncologues, des professionnels de la santé, des gestionnaires, des chercheurs et des fonctionnaires ont été réalisées. Conclusion : les différents niveaux d’analyse offrent différentes contributions qui leurs sont propres, mais l’ensemble de la thèse tend à mettre en relief la complexité du changement organisationnel à travers un perpétuel processus de définition et de redéfinition des frontières professionnelles et des organisations en raison du développement des connaissances scientifiques, des technologies, des expertises professionnelles et de l’environnement social, politique et économique.

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Submitted by Mr. Beckworth, and ordered to be printed, August 7, 1958.

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"September 19, 1962."

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Includes bibliographical references.