967 resultados para Politicians elites


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This research comprises a study on the values and ideals attributed to Dix-sept Rosado, by the Coleção Mossoroense journal. Local researchers demonstrate how the Coleção Mossoroense constructs an image of Mossoró, forming in the members of the city an identity with the place, a social cohesion or creating one forms to see and to say about the Mossoró city. The Coleção Mossoroense, through Vingt-un Rosado together with its family, established a form of seeing and identifying of the Mossoró s population with the city, just because it associated and it was, at the same time, a movement at the same time social (civic parties for example), political (the domination of the Rosado s family) and cultural (the books and theatrical parties about the city). The conjunction of the Coleção Mossoroense as and with a social movement, cultural and political was capable to establish a social identity, a subjective constituent . With this background, it was possible to make a study of the image attributed to Dix-sept Rosado, by the Coleção Mossoroense, through an analysis of the inherent discourse in the works by Bakhtin (1989) and Bourdieu (2000), of and on Dix-sept Rosado in the Coleção Mossoroense based on. The image of Dix-sept Rosado was constructed by the Coleção Mossoroense after its death, and the responsible for this was Vingt-un Rosado, which was the chief-editor of the Coleção Mossoroense up to 2006, year of its death. The Coleção Mossoroense built an image of Dix-sept Rosado as an enterprising man, progressive and innovator, of great capacity of leadership and oratory (a conductor of the crowds ), popular and charismatic, an honest and dynamic politician. This image made by the Coleção Mossoroense, although when enhancing in surplus the qualities of Dix-sept Rosado have as objective to transmit an image of a heroic personage, it has some relation with the reality. Dix-sept Rosado was a man identified with its locality. This can resemble a regional nationalism. The attitudes of Dix-sept Rosado must be understood inside of a broader social context, of a time marked by the populist politics. Qualities also appreciated and developed inside of a specific historical context and determined both national and locally. The Coleção Mossoroense enhances the qualities of Dix-sept Rosado so that the current politicians of the Rosado s family can establish a link of continuity in its contemporary political practice

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This research has as object of study the city of Caicó, Rio Grande do Norte State, between the middle part of the decade of 1920 and the beginning of 1930. It intended to perceive the projects thought to the city of Caicó as well as the challenges due to the new ideas of modernity that were circulating around the contemporary world. So it consists in an important historical exercise about the relation between history and space in to the extent that itself comes to surface a city deals by diverse angles whose perspectives can be read in several "fragments of memory", such as newspapers, trials-crime, reports, memories, books, etc., those show the tension between the traditional and the modern way of life one. In this way, it´s tried to transform the space, giving it a new reference, inspired in what occurs in the Brazilian big cities and around the world, through the use of the techniques, of the electricity, of the movies, of the press, cars, medicine and so on. At the same time in that is necessary-itself deal with the permanencies such as the old manners and the droughts and theirs "flagellated" people. Therefore, it is in this difficult phase that is tried legitimize the city of Caicó as the "Capital of the Seridó", in the threshold between the refusal and the seduction

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The provident rights were results of intense fights in between the capital and work, claiming the interventions of the state for the creation of an ample social protection system. In Brazil the law, Providence Social mark, dated 1923, from then on, the advances and extensions were many, of this diverse categories of politics. Mean while, in the 1990 s, the Brazilian government adopted the examples of other developed countries, the new pattern that hinted the realization of substantial changes on the states purpose, the reached rights and the proper organization of working classes. For the Social Providence, the principal loses turned out in 1998 and 2003; respectively in FHC governments and Lula, with the realization of two counter reforms that restricted the provident rights and motivated the privatization of public providence. In the scenery, the CUT, one of the representative organizations from working classes, founded in 1983, that has always itself with changed direction, from fighting to negotiating. This inflection determined the proposition of the center before the offers of the counter reforms, of Social Providence. The present work has the objective to analyze the social politic content of the fights from Brazilian union movement in the period of the conquests and disassembled rights and, to analyze the proposition, acting and offers from CUT in the counter reform period from Providence in the Government FHC and Lula. To perform this study beyond the essential bibliographical revision to found and deepen the subject, we use, the documental search through the internet pages, resolutions, informations and others publications from CUT. Using CUT in the governments worked in an elegant way, the FHC government against-reforms, showed itself through diverse actions, even though they didn t have homogeneous inside, contrary the neoliberalists politicians from this government, also the offers and precaution changers. While during the reign of Lula it shoved itself priority negociative and propositive

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The dissertation analyzes how the syndical practice of the workers rural Brazilians works your aspects of mobilization and claim in front of the execution of attendance services and providences, instituted in the marks of the military dictatorship, in the decade of 1970. We try to apprehend how these services have been interfering in the development of base works. Considering base works, as an enduring political formation of the rural workers, formation of new syndical leaderships and an effect participation of the workers in the political spaces. We trace the path of the rural workers' organization, starting from the previous period to the military stroke of 1964, while protagonists inserted in the national political conjuncture, organizing fight fronts and conquering rights. The research reveals that the rural workers' syndical movement, when it develops the activities coming from Funrural, established in 1971, they confront a dilemma that go through the political nature of your practice, which such activities can reduce the syndical rural workers, to a antity of assistance, and so interfere in the accomplishment of base works with the rural working class. The rural workers' syndical movement, inserted in the several conjunctures, since of your emersion in ante-64, when they have passed by growth and retrocession, they built along this period a structure to the national level, which makes possible the recognition of the rural workers' organization, as a class, and human being politicians of your own structure. It is in this context that the syndical practice is analyzed, emphasizing your limits and your possibilities while policy strenght nationally constituted

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Os conflitos médico-legais que ocorrem no exercício da Cirurgia e da Medicina são motivos de preocupação não só no meio médico, mas também na sociedade como um todo, pois se de um lado geram um maior desgaste emocional ao médico, por outro, os pacientes estão sendo rejeitados. As causas desses conflitos são muitas, envolvendo fatores não assistenciais, como o sistema de saúde distorcido e desorganizado, a falta de participação da sociedade e do médico na melhoria desse sistema, o aparelho formador que lança no mercado grande número de jovens médicos despreparados para o exercício dessa nobre profissão, além da falta do ensino continuado. A solução para esses conflitos não poderá ser por meio de simples criação de leis, e nem pela negativa da existência do erro médico, que ocorre numa freqüência até maior do que os próprios conflitos. Todavia, pode-se afirmar que é muito importante melhorar a relação médico-paciente. É necessário, ainda, que o médico conheça a fundo seus deveres de conduta e que, principalmente, se abstenha de praticar abusos do poder. A sociedade deve também entender que a saúde não é uma questão exclusiva dos médicos e que deve lutar pela melhoria das condições dos níveis de vida.

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thèse de maîtrise, qui a été idealizée et exécutée à partir de la réunion et les relations dialogiques établies entre la géographie et l'histoire, et l'espace et le temps, a considéré l'environnement urbain comme le thème général et, comme la référence empirique, l'espace urbain de Caicó, incrusté dans les terres semi-arides du Sertão do Seridó Potiguar, plus précisément à la mi-sud de l'État du Rio Grande do Norte. Dans cet espace, à travers de recherche des fragments de mémoires acquis de diverses sources historiques, on a tenté de faire des investigations sur les transformations urbaines qui ont eu lieu dans la ville au cours des années 50 et 60 du XXe siècle. Ces transformations, dans l espace urbain de Caicó à un moment du pic de l'activité de développement de coton, reflétaient et conditionnaient les propres projets de modernization urbaine qui représentants des élites locales eurent conçu avec l'objectif de la construction d une ville idéal dans les regions isolées du Seridó: moderne, civilisé, progressive et capitale régionale du Seridó. Pour cette construction, les nouveaux équipements et services urbains ont passé du plan imaginaire à l espace réel, installés dans plusieurs quartiers de la ville en transformant le paysage urbain. Face à cette situation, cinémas, magasins, station de radio, énergie électrique, institutions de l'éducation, téléphonie, maison de soins infirmiers, usine de bénéficiement de coton, banques, politiques urbaines, hygiéniques et sanitaires, modes de comportement, sociabilités urbaines distincttes, parmi d'autres éléments géographiques se sont institués à travers la réalisation de certains idéaux de progrès social et dans un esprit de modernité urbaine, dans de nouveaux espaces et pratiques inventés, tramés et éprouvés sur les rochers et entre le cours d eau au milieu d'un quotidien urbain marqué par ruptures et permanence de certaines coutumes et habitudes antiques et de certains paysages et environnement ridé

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Não é segredo para os estudiosos e é reconhecido pelos atores envolvidos no jogo político que o Prefeito desempenha importantes atividades, podendo influenciar o dia-a-dia da população, a relação com outras esferas de governo e as eleições gerais. Tomando como universo empírico os candidatos ao cargo de Prefeito das capitais brasileiras em 2008, procuramos identificar e analisar as bases de recrutamento desses concorrentes ao principal posto político do município. As interpretações correntes na literatura concentram-se sobre os vencedores da disputa eleitoral, deixando de lado os derrotados. O que os vencedores têm que os derrotados não têm? Seria o perfil dos vencedores diferente daquele encontrado no grupo dos derrotados? Com o propósito de oferecer uma contribuição aos estudos das bases de recrutamento dos membros pertencentes às elites locais, o texto está organizado em uma única seção, onde vamos discutir três dimensões: (i) gênero, faixa etária e naturalidade; (ii) nível de instrução, grupo profissional e mandato executivo e (iii) gastos com campanha e tamanho do patrimônio. Essas características podem ajudar a construir um perfil sociopolítico dos membros pertencentes aos grupos dos vencedores e dos derrotados nas eleições municipais de 2008 para o cargo de Prefeito das capitais brasileiras. Além disso, o estudo desses atributos pode indicar quais predominaram na disputa eleitoral, isto é, quais deles podem mostrar as características que circundam o processo seletivo dos integrantes do distinto grupo político.

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Through the analysis of Mexican livestock statistics and Sonora and Chihuahua regional census, this work discusses the condition of livestock farming in Northern Mexico during the first decades of the twentieth century, specially after the Revolution. There is no doubt that during this period, the absolute number of livestock heads diminished throughout Mexico, but "estate depredations" did vary geographically. In Nortehrn Mexico, livestock farming suffered more in Chihuahua than in Sonora, and herd recovery was also faster in Sonora. This analysis also allows us to underscore the role of postrevolutionary elites in rebuilding regional economies during the 1920's.

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This article seeks to reflect on geographic representation in the coats of arms of countries in Latin America, showing how the physical, aspects of the landscape, the elements of the economy and the republican symbols were used by local elites to compose an imaginary nation in the nineteenth century. This process of "naturalization of territory" was used as an important feature in the national discourse, because this time, in most cases, the Latin American nations were composed of multi-ethnic states, with strong differences of class and a large illiterate population plus a very tenuous territory from the point of view of national integration. Thus, the elements related to geographic image through the use of coats of arms, conveyed strong messages to citizens, showing how these heraldic symbols can become an important source of research to unravel the process of building the imaginary nation.

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Brazil takes pride in its alleged lack of racial discrimination. These idealized racial relations are a construction of enlightened elites. This article analyzes one of the main cultural publications in the country in order to establish how European anthropological theories were interpreted by Brazilian intelectuals. In the reappraisal of the country proposed in the journal, the ethnic question was intensely discussed. A whitening of the population was generally perceived as a sort of magic solution to the contradictions in a multiracial, heterogeneous and rigidly hierarchic society. This natural process might be accelerated by an inflow of European immigration. The many expectations and tensions surrounding immigration were expressed in the construction of categories of desirable and undesirable immigrants. Thereof an ideal white country emerged, far away from the myth of racial democracy, which has not materialized in Brazilian society today.

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography

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The city of Lima has undergone serious changes over the past sixty years. Until the middle of the last century, Lima retained an urban structure similar to that built in the 18th century, during the final decades of its colonial period. This reality began to change with the abrupt onset of migration from the mountain ranges to the coast in 1946. However, rather than changes in its urban plan, Lima underwent a ethnic and social reconfiguration that would bring new color and new cultural and behavioral norms to the Peruvian capital. The arrival of migrants to the city caused a conservative reaction in the local elites, but it also sparked a need for the intelligentsia to develop new ways of thinking about the place of migrants in the space of the city, and on the other hand, to create new representations of the city itself. From being a city isolated from the rest of the country, Lima came to live with a range of cultural and ethnic references. It did so, however, without creating greater opportunities for the integration of the masses within the urban and social logic of the city, thus making clear the separation between the aristocracy and the general populace.