856 resultados para POLITICAL PARTICIPATION


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This study investigates the process of producing interactivity in a converged media environment. The study asks whether more media convergence equals more interactivity. The research object is approached through semi-structured interviews of prominent decision makers within the Finnish media. The main focus of the study are the three big ones of the traditional media, radio, television and the printing press, and their ability to adapt to the changing environment. The study develops theoretical models for the analysis of interactive features and convergence. Case-studies are formed from the interview data and they are evaluated against the models. As a result the cases arc plotted and compared on a four-fold table. The cases are Radio Rock, NRJ, Biu Brother, Television Chat, Olivia and Sanoma News. It is found out that the theoretical models can accurately forecast the results of the case studies. The models are also able to distinguish different aspects of both interactivity and convergence so that a case, which at a first glance seems not to be very interactive is in the end found out to receive second highest scores on the analysis. The highest scores are received by Big Brother and Sanoma News. Through the theory and the analysis of the research data it is found out that the concepts of interactivity and convergence arc intimately intertwined and very hard in many cases to separate from each other. Hence the answer to the main question of this study is yes, convergence does promote interactivity and audience participation. The main theoretical background for the analysis of interactivity follows the work of Came Fleeter, Spiro Kiousis and Sally McMillan. Heeler's six-dimensional definition of interactivity is used as the basis for operationalizing interactivity. The actor-network theory is used as the main theoretical framework to analyze convergence. The definition and operationalization of the actor-network theory into a model of convergence follows the work of Michel Callon. Bruno Latour and especially John Law and Felix Stalder.

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The Finnish society developed rapidly in the 1960´s and 1970´s. This was result of international trends. Development of education, urbanization and wide organization of society increased discontent towards prevailing social structure and towards the power elite. Development of technology created possibility to present radical perspectives in mass media. This caused widely spread discussions dividing opinions. The purpose of this thesis was to complement research on national defence and the Finnish Defence Forces especially between years 1965 and 1975. The task of research was to clarify how changes in society and how the significance of this change was interpreted in public discussion about national defence and development of the Defence Forces. The most essential points for this thesis turned out to be discourses structured from public discussion. Main research material consisted of approximately 35000 news, editorials, articles and opinions presented in mass media supplemented by literature, committee reports and other archival sources. Frame of reference for this thesis is based on relativistic worldview. According to this, social reality is relative and there is no single truth. Environment has significant influence on the issue how knowledge and truth are formed. Data analysis was based on critical discourse. The key objective was to clarify the effects of broad changes in society using discursive methods. One essential goal was to form order of discourse using linguistic analysis and also connect discourses to wider sociocultural custom. On this thesis I came to the conclusion that on the review period there were five significant ensembles of discourse. They consisted of several discussions focused on different themes. The discourse of official security policy aimed to define national defence and the position of the Defence Forces as parts of foreign policy. Foreign policy is often perceived as the most significant part of security policy. Historical memory, geographical position of Finland and also the state contracts, changes in international warfare, tasks of the Defence Forces and increasing critic of national defence and the difference in thinking between generations formed the discourse of security policy. In the discourse of the liability to military service, the issue was about individual responsibility to society and national defence. Resisters and unarmed defence demands, encouraged by international examples were the themes. The discourse pointed out how mass media is used to influence and forced the Defence Forces to develop the practices in public information. The discourses of democracy and politics were closer to internal development of the Defence Forces to integrate more into society. The discourse of democracy focused in changing power relationships of the Defence Forces that were known as authoritarian. Issues like conscript and personnel union activity had lot of similarities to general social development. The discourse of politics presented how the Defence Forces were pushed towards parliamentary decision making. The personnel was granted the same rights as other population. Themes related to the discourse on the will to national defence were development of mental national defence, increasing education on national defence and creation of more open public information culture. According to discourses presented above I can state, that the position of the Defence Forces in society was changed between years 1965-1975. This change was advanced by the Defence Forces reformed attitude towards mass media and public information in general. Active participation in public information important became important instead of only answering topics. This positive development created an atmosphere, that was easier for the public to understand and create own pictures of the armed forces. Due to this, I can describe that the defenders and supporters of the armed forces were stuck in their trenches, until discussions presented in discourses and themes developed the Defence Forces to be better fitting part of society. Key words; society, national defence, Defence Forces, discourse, mass media, security policy, liability to military service, conscription, democracy

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Mechanistic studies of two intramolecular processes, nucleophilic displacement of N-methylmorpholinium in N-methyl-N-{9-oxobicyclo[3,3,1]nonan-2 alpha-yl}morpholinium iodide, anchimerically assisted by keto carbonyl, and a Cannizzaro-type reaction of 3-(2-oxocyclohexyl)propanal, occurring via axial hydride transfer onto the cyclohexanone, are reported.

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Community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) is the joint management of natural resources by a community based on a community strategy, through a participatory mechanism involving all legitimate stakeholders. The approach is community-based in that the communities managing the resources have the legal rights, the local institutions and the economic incentives to take substantial responsibility for sustained use of these resources. This implies that the community plays an active role in the management of natural resources, not because it asserts sole ownership over them, but because it can claim participation in their management and benefits for practical and technical reasons1–4. This approach emerged as the dominant conservation concept in the late 1970s and early 1980s, of the disillusionment with the developmental state. Governments across South and South East Asia, Africa and Latin America have adopted and implemented CBNRM in various ways, viz. through sectoral programmes such as forestry, irrigation or wildlife management, multisectoral programmes such as watershed development and efforts towards political devolution. In India, the principle of decentralization through ‘gram swaraj’ was introduced by Mahatma Gandhi. The 73rd and 74th constitution amendments in 1992 gave impetus to the decentralized planning at panchayat levels through the creation of a statutory three-level local self-government structure5,6. The strength of this book is that it includes chapters by CBNRM advocates based on six seemingly innovative initiatives being implemented by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in ecologically vulnerable regions of South Asia: two in the Himalayas (watershed development programme in Lingmutechhu, Bhuthan and Thalisain tehsil, Paudi Grahwal District, Uttarakhand), three in semi-arid parts of western India (watershed development in Hivre Bazar, Maharashtra and Nathugadh village, Gujarat and water-harvesting structures in Gopalapura, Rajasthan) and one in the flood-plains of the Brahmaputra–Jamuna (Char land, Galibanda and Jamalpur districts, Bangladesh). Watersheds in semi-arid regions fall in the low-rainfall region (500–700 mm) and suffer the vagaries of drought 2–3 years in every five-year cycle. In all these locations, the major occupation is agriculture, most of which is rainfed or dry. The other two cases (in Uttarakhand) fall in the Himalayan region (temperate/sub-temperate climate), which has witnessed extensive deforestation in the last century and is now considered as one of the most vulnerable locations in South Asia. Terraced agriculture is being practised in these locations for a long time. The last case (Gono Chetona) falls in the Brahmaputra–Jamuna charlands which are the most ecologically vulnerable regions in the sub-continent with constantly changing landscape. Agriculture and livestock rearing are the main occupations, and there is substantial seasonal emigration for wage labour by the adult males. River erosion and floods force the people to adopt a semi-migratory lifestyle. The book attempts to analyse the potential as well as limitations of NGOdriven CBNRM endeavours across agroclimatic regions of South Asia with emphasis on four intrinsically linked normative concerns, namely sustainability, livelihood enhancement, equity and demographic decentralization in chapters 2–7. Comparative analysis of these case studies done in chapter 8, highlights the issues that require further research while portraying the strengths and limits of NGO-driven CBNRM. In Hivre Bazar, the post-watershed intervention scenario is such that farmers often grow three crops in a year – kharif bajra, rabi jowar and summer vegetable crops. Productivity has increased in the dry lands due to improvement in soil moisture levels. The revival of johads in Gopalpura has led to the proliferation of wheat and increased productivity. In Lingmuteychhu, productivity gains have also arisen, but more due to the introduction of both local and high-yielding, new varieties as opposed to increased water availability. In the case of Gono Chetona, improvements have come due to diversification of agriculture; for example, the promotion of vegetable gardens. CBNRM interventions in most cases have also led to new avenues of employment and income generation. The synthesis shows that CBNRM efforts have made significant contributions to livelihood enhancement and only limited gains in terms of collective action for sustainable and equitable access to benefits and continuing resource use, and in terms of democratic decentralization, contrary to the objectives of the programme. Livelihood benefits include improvements in availability of livelihood support resources (fuelwood, fodder, drinking water), increased productivity (including diversification of cropping pattern) in agriculture and allied activities, and new sources of livelihood. However, NGO-driven CBNRM has not met its goal of providing ‘alternative’ forms of ‘development’ due to impediments of state policy, short-sighted vision of implementers and confrontation with the socio-ecological reality of the region, which almost always are that of fragmented communities (or communities in flux) with unequal dependence and access to land and other natural resources along with great gender imbalances. Appalling, however, is the general absence of recognition of the importance of and the will to explore practical ways to bring about equitable resource transfer or benefit-sharing and the consequent innovations in this respect that are evident in the pioneering community initiatives such as pani panchayat, etc. Pertaining to the gains on the ecological sustainability front, Hivre Bazar and Thalisain initiatives through active participation of villagers have made significant regeneration of the water table within the village, and mechanisms such as ban on number of bore wells, the regulation of cropping pattern, restrictions on felling of trees and free grazing to ensure that in the future, the groundwater is neither over-exploited nor its recharge capability impaired. Nevertheless, the longterm sustainability of the interventions in the case of Ghoga and Gopalpura initiatives as the focus has been mostly on regeneration of resources, and less on regulating the use of regenerated resources. Further, in Lingmuteychhu and Gono Chetona, the interventions are mainly household-based and the focus has been less explicit on ecological components. The studies demonstrate the livelihood benefits to all of the interventions and significant variation in achievements with reference to sustainability, equity and democratic decentralization depending on the level and extent of community participation apart from the vision of implementers, strategy (or nature of intervention shaped by the question of community formation), the centrality of community formation and also the State policy. Case studies show that the influence of State policy is multi-faceted and often contradictory in nature. This necessitates NGOs to engage with the State in a much more purposeful way than in an ‘autonomous space’. Thus the role of NGOs in CBNRM is complementary, wherein they provide innovative experiments that the State can learn. This helps in achieving the goals of CBNRM through democratic decentralization. The book addresses the vital issues related to natural resource management and interests of the community. Key topics discussed throughout the book are still at the centre of the current debate. This compilation consists of well-written chapters based on rigorous synthesis of CBNRM case studies, which will serve as good references for students, researchers and practitioners in the years to come.

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Electronic states of CeO(2), Ce(1 -aEuro parts per thousand x) Pt (x) O(2 -aEuro parts per thousand delta) , and Ce(1 -aEuro parts per thousand x -aEuro parts per thousand y) Ti (y) Pt (x) O(2 -aEuro parts per thousand delta) electrodes have been investigated by X-ray photoelectron spectroscopy as a function of applied potential for oxygen evolution and formic acid and methanol oxidation. Ionically dispersed platinum in Ce(1 -aEuro parts per thousand x) Pt (x) O(2 -aEuro parts per thousand delta) and Ce(1 -aEuro parts per thousand x -aEuro parts per thousand y) Ti (y) Pt (x) O(2 -aEuro parts per thousand delta) is active toward these reactions compared with CeO(2) alone. Higher electrocatalytic activity of Pt(2+) ions in CeO(2) and Ce(1 -aEuro parts per thousand x) Ti (x) O(2) compared with the same amount of Pt(0) in Pt/C is attributed to Pt(2+) ion interaction with CeO(2) and Ce(1 -aEuro parts per thousand x) Ti (x) O(2) to activate the lattice oxygen of the support oxide. Utilization of this activated lattice oxygen has been demonstrated in terms of high oxygen evolution in acid medium with these catalysts. Further, ionic platinum in CeO(2) and Ce(1 -aEuro parts per thousand x) Ti (x) O(2) does not suffer from CO poisoning effect unlike Pt(0) in Pt/C due to participation of activated lattice oxygen which oxidizes the intermediate CO to CO(2). Hence, higher activity is observed toward formic acid and methanol oxidation compared with same amount of Pt metal in Pt/C.

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In this article, we look at the political business cycle problem through the lens of uncertainty. The feedback control used by us is the famous NKPC with stochasticity and wage rigidities. We extend the New Keynesian Phillips Curve model to the continuous time stochastic set up with an Ornstein-Uhlenbeck process. We minimize relevant expected quadratic cost by solving the corresponding Hamilton-Jacobi-Bellman equation. The basic intuition of the classical model is qualitatively carried forward in our set up but uncertainty also plays an important role in determining the optimal trajectory of the voter support function. The internal variability of the system acts as a base shifter for the support function in the risk neutral case. The role of uncertainty is even more prominent in the risk averse case where all the shape parameters are directly dependent on variability. Thus, in this case variability controls both the rates of change as well as the base shift parameters. To gain more insight we have also studied the model when the coefficients are time invariant and studied numerical solutions. The close relationship between the unemployment rate and the support function for the incumbent party is highlighted. The role of uncertainty in creating sampling fluctuation in this set up, possibly towards apparently anomalous results, is also explored.

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Resumen: El populismo ha sido considerado comúnmente, en oposición al liberalismo, como un fenómeno contrario a la institucionalidad y la democracia. Esta visión peyorativa del populismo es redefinida por Laclau y Mouffe, quienes sostienen que la participación del pueblo en este tipo de sistemas políticos es lo que garantiza el valor democrático del mismo, pese a que dicha participación no se produzca por medios convencionales. En este trabajo se presentarán brevemente los principios en los cuales se basan la democracia liberal y el populismo, para poder así observar las críticas que Laclau y Mouffe realizan sobre ambos sistemas, estudiando su viabilidad y el alcance de sus propuestas.

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Resumen: El artículo presenta las sucesivas etapas que configuraron el derrotero del sacerdote patriota en las primeras horas del movimiento independentista. Se destacan tanto los valores de su desempeño ministerial como su ascendencia social y política en el ambiente porteño, con la perspectiva propia de los ideales ilustrados de su tiempo y en particular durante el curato en San Nicolás de Bari, la segunda parroquia más importante de la ciudad. Con información bien documentada da cuenta de su nacimiento y de su formación desde sus estudios humanísticos, se reconstruyen los años siguientes dedicados al oficio pastoral de regreso en Buenos Aires y en Maldonado (Uruguay) en tiempos de las invasiones inglesas, su ministerio en San Nicolás de Bari cuando acontece la Revolución de Mayo y su tarea a favor de la causa patriótica desde su participación en el Cabildo Abierto del 22 y su incorporación como vocal de la Primera Junta. Se despliegan los aspectos sobresalientes de esta última misión y los aspectos que se destacan en este recorrido por la vida y la obra de este cura patriota son: compromiso honesto, integridad y actitud de servicio sin reservas desde la función pública.

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Trade and relations between the southern Levant and other regions of the Near East (mainly Egypt) during the Early Bronze Age (ca. 3,600–2,300 BC) have been the subject of many studies. Research concerning the exchange of local commodities was almost ignored or was discussed in parochial studies, focusing on specific archaeological finds. It is the intention of this paper to present the results of recent research of the exchange of commodities provided by archaeological data from excavations in the Southern Levant with regard to economic theories on the exchange-value of goods and exchange networks. Conclusions regarding the type of society and the forms of government in the Southern Levant during the Early Bronze Age are also presented.

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Resgata pequena parte da história do anarquismo, que praticamente desapareceu do cenário político brasileiro. Utilizando o método de análise historiográfica, e compulsando os registros de sessões ocorridas, analisa a participação da Câmara dos Deputados nas políticas relacionadas à repressão dos anarquistas nas greves ocorridas em 1917. Ao final da pesquisa, chega-se à conclusão da existência de razoáveis indícios de participação da Câmara dos Deputados nas ações de repressão ao movimento anarquista.

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Com base em três diferentes experiências práticas de educação política realizadas em escolas de São Paulo, o texto tem como objetivo compreender a visão dos jovens sobre esse tema. Estamos preparando nossa juventude para o exercício da democracia? Existe, por parte deles, interesse por essa temática? O texto mostra que as respostas variam de acordo com o grau de maturidade do público alvo, ou seja, existe uma possibilidade maior de o processo de politização nas escolas ser mais bem sucedido nas séries mais avançadas do Ensino Médio.

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Os retornos que a educação brasileira traz em termos de comportamentos políticos favoráveis à convivência democrática, como participação e apoio à democracia, têm sido decrescentes. Apesar dos desafios envolvidos, essa é uma faceta das políticas públicas da educação que merece ser sistematicamente avaliada, a exemplo do que a faz a OCDE.

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Sugere medidas para o aperfeiçoamento da transparência do sistema orçamentário federal brasileiro. A partir de pesquisa exploratória busca relacionar o instituto do orçamento público aos conceitos de planejamento, participação popular, controle social, cidadania, accountability e democracia - relações que fundamentam a defesa da transparência orçamentária. Examina se são emitidos dez documentos orçamentários e avalia seus conteúdos. São eles: Declaração Pré-Orçamentária, Proposta de Orçamento do Executivo, Orçamento, Relatórios Mensais, Relatório Semestral, Relatório Anual, Relatório do Auditor, Relatório Pré-Eleitoral, Relatório Plurianual e Orçamento-Cidadão.

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Traz um estudo sobre como e por que a imagem pública do Congresso Nacional pode ser vista como cronicamente negativa no senso comum, nas sondagens de opinião pública e nas representações da mídia informativa, bem como nas percepções dos atores políticos. Com esse objetivo, além da síntese de reflexões teóricas que podem ser relacionadas ao campo interdisciplinar da comunicação política, foi realizada uma série de entrevistas qualitativas com 20% dos parlamentares que formavam a Câmara dos Deputados na Legislatura 2003/2007. Embora as conclusões apontem para uma forte conexão entre tal imagem negativa, recorrentes escândalos políticos e questões institucionais de caráter estrutural e conjuntural, há também nesse contexto uma insuficiência de pluralismo político e social que revela um problema maior e mais complexo: a crise da democracia representativa - pois as organizações da sociedade civil não dispõem de canais adequados de participação que permitam a representação equilibrada de suas demandas tanto na mídia quanto no campo político parlamentar.

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As condições de produção jornalística das mídias legislativas da Câmara dos Deputados são apresentadas neste trabalho a partir de três eixos de análise: cultura política, cultura jornalística e cultura institucional. Delineados para explicar as interferências e influências de diferentes campos sociais na atividade jornalística, esses conceitos são explicitados através dos dados empíricos coletados por meio de observação-participante e entrevistas em profundidade com os atores envolvidos no processo. As duas técnicas de caráter etnográfico foram utilizadas na construção de uma etnografia da produção das quatro mídias legislativas mantidas pela instituição: TV Câmara, Agência Câmara, Rádio Câmara e Jornal da Câmara. A conclusão do trabalho apresenta uma reflexão sobre os conceitos de comunicação política, comunicação institucional e comunicação pública, conforme eles aparecem nos veículos de comunicação do Parlamento.