830 resultados para Non-violent political action
Resumo:
THE TITLE OF MY THESIS IS THE ROLE OF THE IDEAS AND THEIR CHANGE IN HIGHER EDUCATION POLICY-MAKING PROCESSES FROM THE EIGHTIES TO PRESENT-DAY: THE CASES OF ENGLAND AND NEW ZEALAND IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE UNDER A THEORETICAL POINT OF VIEW, THE AIM OF MY WORK IS TO CARRY OUT A RESEARCH MODELLED ON THE CONSTRUCTIVIST THEORY. IT FOCUSES ON THE ANALYSIS OF THE IMPACT OF IDEAS ON THE PROCESSES OF POLICY MAKING BY MEANS OF EPISTEMIC COMMUNITIES, THINK TANKS AND VARIOUS SOCIOECONOMIC CONTEXTS THAT MAY HAVE PLAYED A KEY ROLE IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE DIFFERENT PATHS. FROM MY POINT OF VIEW IDEAS CONSTITUTE A PRIORITY RESEARCH FIELD WHICH IS WORTH ANALYSING SINCE THEIR ROLE IN POLICY MAKING PROCESSES HAS BEEN TRADITIONALLY RATHER UNEXPLORED. IN THIS CONTEXT AND WITH THE AIM OF DEVELOPING A RESEARCH STRAND BASED ON THE ROLE OF IDEAS, I INTEND TO CARRY ON MY STUDY UNDER THE PERSPECTIVE OF CHANGE. DEPENDING ON THE DATA AND INFORMATION THAT I COLLECTED I EVALUATED THE WEIGHT OF EACH OF THESE VARIABLES AND MAYBE OTHERS SUCH AS THE INSTITUTIONS AND THE INDIVIDUAL INTERESTS, WHICH MAY HAVE INFLUENCED THE FORMATION OF THE POLICY MAKING PROCESSES. UNDER THIS LIGHT, I PLANNED TO ADOPT THE QUALITATIVE METHODOLOGY OF RESEARCH WHICH I BELIEVE TO BE VERY EFFECTIVE AGAINST THE MORE DIFFICULT AND POSSIBLY REDUCTIVE APPLICATION OF QUANTITIVE DATA SETS. I RECKON THEREFORE THAT THE MOST APPROPRIATE TOOLS FOR INFORMATION PROCESSING INCLUDE CONTENT ANALYSIS, AND IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS TO PERSONALITIES OF THE POLITICAL PANORAMA (ÉLITE OR NOT) WHO HAVE PARTICIPATED IN THE PROCESS OF HIGHER EDUCATION REFORM FROM THE EIGHTIES TO PRESENT-DAY. THE TWO CASES TAKEN INTO CONSIDERATION SURELY SET AN EXAMPLE OF RADICAL REFORM PROCESSES WHICH HAVE OCCURRED IN QUITE DIFFERENT CONTEXTS DETERMINED BY THE SOCIOECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS AND THE TRAITS OF THE ÉLITE. IN NEW ZEALAND THE DESCRIBED PROCESS HAS TAKEN PLACE WITH A STEADY PACE AND A GOOD GRADE OF CONSEQUANTIALITY, IN LINE WTH THE REFORMS IN OTHER STATE DIVISIONS DRIVEN BY THE IDEAS OF THE NEW PUBLIC MANAGEMENT. CONTRARILY IN ENGLAND THE REFORMATIVE ACTION OF MARGARET THATCHER HAS ACQUIRED A VERY RADICAL CONNOTATION AS IT HAS BROUGHT INTO THE AMBIT OF HIGHER EDUCATION POLICY CONCEPTS LIKE EFFICIENCY, EXCELLENCE, RATIONALIZATION THAT WOULD CONTRAST WITH THE GENERALISTIC AND MASS-ORIENTED IDEAS THAT WERE FASHIONABLE DURING THE SEVENTIES. THE MISSION I INTEND TO ACCOMPLISH THORUGHOUT MY RESEARCH IS TO INVESTIGATE AND ANALYSE INTO MORE DEPTH THE DIFFERENCES THAT SEEM TO EMERGE FROM TWO CONTEXTS WHICH MOST OF THE LITERATURE REGARDS AS A SINGLE MODEL: THE ANGLO-SAXON MODEL. UNDER THIS LIGHT, THE DENSE ANALYSIS OF POLICY PROCESSES ALLOWED TO BRING OUT BOTH THE CONTROVERSIAL AND CONTRASTING ASPECTS OF THE TWO REALITIES COMPARED, AND THE ROLE AND WEIGHT OF VARIABLES SUCH AS IDEAS (MAIN VARIABLE), INSTITUTIONAL SETTINGS AND INDIVIDUAL INTERESTS ACTING IN EACH CONTEXT. THE CASES I MEAN TO ATTEND PRESENT PECULIAR ASPECTS WORTH DEVELOPING AN IN-DEPTH ANALYSIS, AN OUTLINE OF WHICH WILL BE PROVIDED IN THIS ABSTRACT. ENGLAND THE CONSERVATIVE GOVERNMENT, SINCE 1981, INTRODUCED RADICAL CHANGES IN THE SECTOR OF HIGHER EDUCATION: FIRST CUTTING DOWN ON STATE FUNDINGS AND THEN WITH THE CREATION OF AN INSTITUTION FOR THE PLANNING AND LEADERSHIP OF THE POLYTECHNICS (NON-UNIVERSITY SECTOR). AFTERWARDS THE SCHOOL REFORM BY MARGARET THATCHER IN 1988 RAISED TO A GREAT STIR ALL OVER EUROPE DUE TO BOTH ITS CONSIDERABLE INNOVATIVE IMPRINT AND THE STRONG ATTACK AGAINST THE PEDAGOGY OF THE ‘ACTIVE’ SCHOOLING AND PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION, UNTIL THEN RECOGNIZED AS A MERIT OF THE BRITISH PUBLIC SCHOOL. IN THE AMBIT OF UNIVERSITY EDUCATION THIS REFORM, TOGETHER WITH SIMILAR MEASURES BROUGHT IN DURING 1992, PUT INTO PRACTICE THE CONSERVATIVE PRINCIPLES THROUGH A SERIES OF ACTIONS THAT INCLUDED: THE SUPPRESSION OF THE IRREMOVABILITY PRINCIPLE FOR UNIVERSITY TEACHERS; THE INTRODUCTION OF STUDENT LOANS FOR LOW-INCOME STUDENTS AND THE CANCELLATION OF THE CLEAR DISTINCTION BETWEEN UNIVERSITIES AND POLYTECHNICS. THE POLICIES OF THE LABOUR MAJORITY OF MR BLAIR DID NOT QUITE DIVERGE FROM THE CONSERVATIVES’ POSITION. IN 2003 BLAIR’S CABINET RISKED TO BECOME A MINORITY RIGHT ON THE OCCASION OF AN IMPORTANT UNIVERSITY REFORM PROPOSAL. THIS PROPOSAL WOULD FORESEE THE AUTONOMY FOR THE UNIVERSITIES TO RAISE UP TO 3.000 POUNDS THE ENROLMENT FEES FOR STUDENTS (WHILE FORMERLY THE CEILING WAS 1.125 POUNDS). BLAIR HAD TO FACE INTERNAL OPPOSITION WITHIN HIS OWN PARTY IN RELATION TO A MEASURE THAT, ACCORDING TO THE 150 MPS PROMOTERS OF AN ADVERSE MOTION, HAD NOT BEEN INCLUDED IN THE ELECTORAL PROGRAMME AND WOULD RISK CREATING INCOME-BASED DISCRIMINATION AMONG STUDENTS. AS A MATTER OF FACT THE BILL FOCUSED ON THE INTRODUCTION OF VERY LOW-INTEREST STUDENT LOANS TO BE SETTLED ONLY WHEN THE STUDENT WOULD HAVE FOUND A REMUNERATED OCCUPATION (A SYSTEM ALREADY PROVIDED FOR BY THE AUSTRALIAN LEGISLATION). NEW ZEALAND CONTRARILY TO MANY OTHER COUNTRIES, NEW ZEALAND HAS ADOPTED A VERY WIDE VISION OF THE TERTIARY EDUCATION. IT INCLUDES IN FACT THE FULL EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMME THAT IS INTERNATIONALLY RECOGNIZED AS THE POST-SECONDARY EDUCATION. SHOULD WE SPOTLIGHT A PECULIARITY OF THE NEW ZEALAND TERTIARY EDUCATION POLICY THEN IT WOULD BE ‘CHANGE’. LOOKING AT THE REFORM HISTORY RELATED TO THE TERTIARY EDUCATION SYSTEM, WE CAN CLEARLY IDENTIFY FOUR ‘SUB-PERIODS’ FROM THE EIGHTIES TO PRESENT-DAY: 1. BEFORE THE 80S’: AN ELITARIAN SYSTEM CHARACTERIZED BY LOW PARTICIPATION RATES. 2. BETWEEN MID AND LATE 80S’: A TREND TOWARDS THE ENLARGEMENT OF PARTICIPATION ASSOCIATED TO A GREATER COMPETITION. 3. 1990-1999: A FUTHER STEP TOWARDS A COMPETITIVE MODEL BASED ON THE MARKET-ORIENTED SYSTEM. 4. FROM 2000 TO TODAY: A CONTINUOUS EVOLUTION TOWARDS A MORE COMPETITIVE MODEL BASED ON THE MARKET-ORIENTED SYSTEM TOGETHER WITH A GROWING ATTENTION TO STATE CONTROL FOR SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATION. AT PRESENT THE GOVERNMENT OF NEW ZEALAND OPERATES TO STRENGHTHEN THIS PROCESS, PRIMARILY IN RELATION TO THE ROLE OF TERTIARY EDUCATION AS A STEADY FACTOR OF NATIONAL WALFARE, WHERE PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT CONTRIBUTES ACTIVELY TO THE GROWTH OF THE NATIONAL ECONOMIC SYSTEM5. THE CASES OF ENGLAND AND NEW ZEALAND ARE THE FOCUS OF AN IN-DEPTH INVESTIGATION THAT STARTS FROM AN ANALYSIS OF THE POLICIES OF EACH NATION AND DEVELOP INTO A COMPARATIVE STUDY. AT THIS POINT I ATTEMPT TO DRAW SOME PRELIMINARY IMPRESSIONS ON THE FACTS ESSENTIALLY DECRIBED ABOVE. THE UNIVERSITY POLICIES IN ENGLAND AND NEW ZEALAND HAVE BOTH UNDERGONE A SIGNIFICANT REFORMATORY PROCESS SINCE THE EARLY EIGHTIES; IN BOTH CONTEXTS THE IMPORTANCE OF IDEAS THAT CONSTITUTED THE BASE OF POLITICS UNTIL 1980 WAS QUITE RELEVANT. GENERALLY SPEAKING, IN BOTH CASES THE PRE-REFORM POLICIES WERE INSPIRED BY EGALITARIANISM AND EXPANSION OF THE STUDENT POPULATION WHILE THOSE BROUGHT IN BY THE REFORM WOULD PURSUE EFFICIENCY, QUALITY AND COMPETITIVENESS. UNDOUBTEDLY, IN LINE WITH THIS GENERAL TENDENCY THAT REFLECTS THE HYPOTHESIS PROPOSED, THE TWO UNIVERSITY SYSTEMS PRESENT SEVERAL DIFFERENCES. THE UNIVERSITY SYSTEM IN NEW ZEALAND PROCEEDED STEADILY TOWARDS THE IMPLEMENTATION OF A MANAGERIAL CONCEPTION OF TERTIARY EDUCATION, ESPECIALLY FROM 1996 ONWARDS, IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE REFORMATORY PROCESS OF THE WHOLE PUBLIC SECTOR. IN THE UNITED KINGDOM, AS IN THE REST OF EUROPE, THE NEW APPROACH TO UNIVERSITY POLICY-MAKING HAD TO CONFRONT A DEEP-ROOTED TRADITION OF PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION AND THE IDEA OF EDUCATION EXPANSION THAT IN FACT DOMINATED UNTIL THE EIGHTIES. FROM THIS VIEW POINT THE GOVERNING ACTION OF MARGARET THATCHER GAVE RISE TO A RADICAL CHANGE THAT REVOLUTIONIZED THE OBJECTIVES AND KEY VALUES OF THE WHOLE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM, IN PARTICULAR IN THE HIGHER EDUCATION SECTOR. IDEAS AS EFFICIENCY, EXCELLENCE AND CONTROL OF THE PERFORMANCE BECAME DECISIVE. THE LABOUR CABINETS OF BLAIR DEVELOPED IN THE WAKE OF CONSERVATIVE REFORMS. THIS APPEARS TO BE A FOCAL POINT OF THIS STUDY THAT OBSERVES HOW ALSO IN NEW ZEALAND THE REFORMING PROCESS OCCURRED TRANSVERSELY DURING PROGRESSIVE AND CONSERVATIVE ADMINISTRATIONS. THE PRELIMINARY IMPRESSION IS THEREFORE THAT IDEAS DEEPLY MARK THE REFORMATIVE PROCESSES: THE AIM OF MY RESEARCH IS TO VERIFY TO WHICH EXTENT THIS STATEMENT IS TRUE. IN ORDER TO BUILD A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYLIS, FURTHER SIGNIFICANT FACTORS WILL HAVE TO BE INVESTIGATED: THE WAY IDEAS ARE PERCEIVED AND IMPLEMENTED BY THE DIFFERENT POLITICAL ELITES; HOW THE VARIOUS SOCIOECONOMIC CONTEXTS INFLUENCE THE REFORMATIVE PROCESS; HOW THE INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES CONDITION THE POLICY-MAKING PROCESSES; WHETHER INDIVIDUAL INTERESTS PLAY A ROLE AND, IF YES, TO WHICH EXTENT.
Resumo:
Pharmaceutical residues contaminate aquatic ecosystems as a result of their widespread human and veterinary usage. Since continuously released and not efficiently removed, certain pharmaceuticals exhibit pseudo-persistence thus generating concerns for the health of aquatic wildlife. This work aimed at assessing on mussels Mytilus galloprovincialis, under laboratory conditions, the effects of three pharmaceuticals, carbamazepine (antiepileptic), propranolol (β-blocker) and oxytetracycline (antibiotic), to evaluate if the human-based mode of action of these molecules is conserved in invertebrates. Furthermore, in the framework of the European MEECE Programme, mussels were exposed to oxytetracycline and copper at increasing temperatures, simulating variations due to climate changes. The effects of these compounds were assessed evaluating a battery of biomarkers, the expression of HSP70 proteins and changes in cAMP-related parameters. A decrease in lysosomal membrane stability, induction of oxidative stress, alterations of cAMP-dependent pathway and the induction of defense mechanisms were observed indicating the development of a stress syndrome, and a worsening in mussels health status. Data obtained in MEECE Programme confirmed that the toxicity of substances can be enhanced following changes in temperature. The alterations observed were obtained after exposure to pharmaceuticals at concentrations sometimes lower than those detected in the aquatic environment. Hence, further research is advisable regarding subtle effects of pharmaceuticals on non-target organisms. Furthermore, results obtained during a research stay in the laboratories of Cádiz University (Spain) are presented. The project aimed at measuring possible effects of polluted sediments in Algeciras Bay (Spain) and in Cádiz Bay, by assessing different physiological parameters in caged crabs Carcinus maenas and clams Ruditapes decussatus exposed in situ for 28 days. The neutral red retention assay was adapted to these species and proved to be a sensitive screening tool for the assessment of sediment quality.
Resumo:
The aim of this proposal is to explain the paradigm of the American foreign policy during the Johnson Administration, especially toward Europe, within the NATO framework, and toward URSS, in the context of the détente, just emerged during the decade of the sixties. During that period, after the passing of the J. F. Kennedy, President L. B. Johnson inherited a complex and very high-powered world politics, which wanted to get a new phase off the ground in the transatlantic relations and share the burden of the Cold war with a refractory Europe. Known as the grand design, it was a policy that needed the support of the allies and a clear purpose which appealed to the Europeans. At first, President Johnson detected in the problem of the nuclear sharing the good deal to make with the NATO allies. At the same time, he understood that the United States needed to reassert their leadeship within the new stage of relations with the Soviet Union. Soon, the “transatlantic bargain” became something not so easy to dealt with. The Federal Germany wanted to say a word in the nuclear affairs and, why not, put the finger on the trigger of the atlantic nuclear weapons. URSS, on the other hand, wanted to keep Germany down. The other allies did not want to share the onus of the defense of Europe, at most the responsability for the use of the weapons and, at least, to participate in the decision-making process. France, which wanted to detach herself from the policy of the United States and regained a world role, added difficulties to the manage of this course of action. Through the years of the Johnson’s office, the divergences of the policies placed by his advisers to gain the goal put the American foreign policy in deep water. The withdrawal of France from the organization but not from the Alliance, give Washington a chance to carry out his goal. The development of a clear-cut disarm policy leaded the Johnson’s administration to the core of the matter. The Non-proliferation Treaty signed in 1968, solved in a business-like fashion the problem with the allies. The question of nuclear sharing faded away with the acceptance of more deep consultative role in the nuclear affairs by the allies, the burden for the defense of Europe became more bearable through the offset agreement with the FRG and a new doctrine, the flexible response, put an end, at least formally, to the taboo of the nuclear age. The Johnson’s grand design proved to be different from the Kennedy’s one, but all things considered, it was more workable. The unpredictable result was a real détente with the Soviet Union, which, we can say, was a merit of President Johnson.
Resumo:
In many communities, supplying water for the people is a huge task and the fact that this essential service can be carried out by the private sector respecting the right to water, is a debated issue. This dissertation investigates the mechanisms through which a 'perceived rights violation' - which represents a specific form of perceived injustice which derives from the violation of absolute moral principles – can promote collective action. Indeed, literature on morality and collective action suggests that even if many people apparently sustain high moral principles (like human rights), only a minority decides to act in order to defend them. Taking advantage of the political situation in Italy, and the recent mobilization for "public water" we hypothesized that, because of its "sacred value", the perceived violation of the right to water facilitates identification with the social movement and activism. Through five studies adopting qualitative and quantitative methods, we confirmed our hypotheses demonstrating that the perceived violation of the right to water can sustain activism and it can influence vote intentions at the referendum for 'public water'. This path to collective action coexists with other 'classical' predictors of collective action, like instrumental factors (personal advantages, efficacy beliefs) and anger. The perceived rights violation can derive both from personal values (i.e. universalism) and external factors (i.e. a mobilization campaign). Furthermore, we demonstrated that it is possible to enhance the perceived violation of the right to water and anger through a specifically designed communication campaign. The final chapter summarizes the main findings and discusses the results, suggesting some innovative line of research for collective action literature.
Resumo:
Aunque esta tesis puede leerse desde diferentes perspectivas, tiene una voluntad fundamental: explicar, desde la metodología propia de la historia conceptual, la racionalidad específica del llamado fascismo español. Centra su interés en la figura de Ramiro Ledesma Ramos (1905-1936), fundador del primer movimiento fascista español. Ledesma ideó un proyecto de modernización de España que sólo podía pasar por la organización de un Estado total. Trató de crear un movimiento de masas de corte fascista con capacidad para fundar un Estado total capaz de ser una alternativa viable al liberalismo republicano y al socialismo. El fascismo español emergerá como una experiencia temporal propia de la modernidad. Buscará revitalizar y acelerar un proceso, el moderno, que a la luz de los jóvenes exaltados de principios de siglo se percibía como agotado y decadente. El planteamiento de Ledesma brotaba de la necesidad de combatir aquellas presuntas fuerzas degenerativas (liberalismo, comunismo, conservadurismo, etc.) de la historia contemporánea española para erigir una nueva modernidad basada en el renacimiento de la nación. Al mismo tiempo, se pretende poner en relieve la eficacia de la acción histórica planteada por el pensamiento reaccionario español. Bajo sus coordenadas, la nación jamás desarrollaría los rasgos sublimados de la política moderna europea. Jamás abandonó los pretendidos órdenes del derecho natural del clasicismo católico que, en última instancia, limitaban la potencia absoluta de cualquier soberano político. Esta particularidad histórica, arrastrada desde la primera modernidad, impedirá con obstinación cualquier oleada revolucionaria que supusiera la autonomización de la esfera política y por tanto, la instauración de un poder totalitario. De hecho, cuando se instauré la dictadura del Franco, a lo más que se llegaría, sería a un Estado mínimo, que bajo los presupuestos del tradicionalismo, dejaba a su suerte las dinámicas económicas.
Resumo:
La tesi si è consolidata nell’analisi dell’impatto dei social networks nella costruzione dello spazio pubblico, nella sfera di osservazione che è la rete e il web2.0. Osservando che il paradigma della società civile si sia modificato. Ridefinendo immagini e immaginari e forme di autorappresentazione sui new media (Castells, 2010). Nel presupposto che lo spazio pubblico “non è mai una realtà precostituita” (Innerarity, 2008) ma si muove all’interno di reti che generano e garantiscono socievolezza. Nell’obiettivo di capire cosa è spazio pubblico. Civic engagement che si rafforza in spazi simbolici (Sassen, 2008), nodi d’incontro significativi. Ivi cittadini-consumatori avanzano corresponsabilmente le proprie istanze per la debacle nei governi.. Cultura partecipativa che prende mossa da un nuovo senso civico mediato che si esprime nelle “virtù” del consumo critico. Portando la politica sul mercato. Cultura civica autoattualizzata alla ricerca di soluzioni alle crisi degli ultimi anni. Potere di una comunicazione che riduce il mondo ad un “villaggio globale” e mettono in relazione i pubblici connessi in spazi e tempi differenti, dando origine ad azioni collettive come nel caso degli Indignados, di Occupy Wall Street o di Rai per una notte. Emerge un (ri)pensare la citizenship secondo due paradigmi (Bennett,2008): l’uno orientato al governo attraverso i partiti, modello “Dutiful Citizenship”; l’altro, modello “Self Actualizing Citizenship” per cui i pubblici attivi seguono news ed eventi, percepiscono un minor obbligo nel governo, il voto è meno significativo per (s)fiducia nei media e nei politici. Mercato e società civile si muovono per il bene comune e una nuova “felicità”. La partecipazione si costituisce in consumerismo politico all’interno di reti in cui si sviluppano azioni individuali attraverso il social networking e scelte di consumo responsabile. Partendo dall’etnografia digitale, si è definito il modello “4 C”: Conoscenza > Coadesione > Co-partecipazione > Corresposabilità (azioni collettive) > Cultura-bility.
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The aim of this thesis was to investigate the respective contribution of prior information and sensorimotor constraints to action understanding, and to estimate their consequences on the evolution of human social learning. Even though a huge amount of literature is dedicated to the study of action understanding and its role in social learning, these issues are still largely debated. Here, I critically describe two main perspectives. The first perspective interprets faithful social learning as an outcome of a fine-grained representation of others’ actions and intentions that requires sophisticated socio-cognitive skills. In contrast, the second perspective highlights the role of simpler decision heuristics, the recruitment of which is determined by individual and ecological constraints. The present thesis aims to show, through four experimental works, that these two contributions are not mutually exclusive. A first study investigates the role of the inferior frontal cortex (IFC), the anterior intraparietal area (AIP) and the primary somatosensory cortex (S1) in the recognition of other people’s actions, using a transcranial magnetic stimulation adaptation paradigm (TMSA). The second work studies whether, and how, higher-order and lower-order prior information (acquired from the probabilistic sampling of past events vs. derived from an estimation of biomechanical constraints of observed actions) interacts during the prediction of other people’s intentions. Using a single-pulse TMS procedure, the third study investigates whether the interaction between these two classes of priors modulates the motor system activity. The fourth study tests the extent to which behavioral and ecological constraints influence the emergence of faithful social learning strategies at a population level. The collected data contribute to elucidate how higher-order and lower-order prior expectations interact during action prediction, and clarify the neural mechanisms underlying such interaction. Finally, these works provide/open promising perspectives for a better understanding of social learning, with possible extensions to animal models.
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According to the amyloid hypothesis, Alzheimer’s disease (AD) is caused by aberrant production or clearance of the amyloid-β (Aβ) peptides, and in particular of the longer more aggregation-prone Aβ42. The Aβ peptides are generated through successive proteolytic cleavage of the amyloid precursor protein (APP) by the β-site APP cleaving enzyme (BACE) and γ-secretase. γ-secretase produces Aβ peptides with variable C-termini ranging from Aβ34 to Aβ48, presumably by sequential trimming of longer into shorter peptides. γ-secretase is a multiprotein complex consisting of at least four different proteins and the presenilin proteins (PS1 or PS2) contain the catalytic center of the complex. In 2001 several non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drugs were identified as the founding members of a new class of γ-secretase modulators (GSMs) that can selectively reduce production of Aβ42. Concomitantly, these GSMs increase Aβ38 production indicating closely coordinated generation of Aβ42 and Aβ38 and a potential precursor-product relationship between these peptides. GSMs seem to exert their activity by direct modulation of γ-secretase. Support for this hypothesis is drawn from the finding that some PS mutations associated with early-onset familial AD (FAD) can modulate the cellular response to GSMs and to γ-secretase inhibitors (GSIs), which inhibit production of all Aβ peptides and are known to directly interact with PS. A particularly interesting FAD PS mutation is PS1-ΔExon9, a complex deletion mutant that blocks endoproteolysis of PS1 and renders cells completely non-responsive to GSMs. Studies presented in this thesis show that the diminished response of PS1-ΔExon9 to GSMs is mainly caused by its lack of endoproteolytic cleavage. Furthermore, we were able to demonstrate that a reduced response to GSMs and GSIs is not limited to PS1-ΔExon9 but is a common effect of aggressive FAD-associated PS1 mutations. Surprisingly, we also found that while the Aβ42 response to GSMs is almost completely abolished by these PS1 mutations, the accompanying Aβ38 increase was indistinguishable to wild-type PS1. Finally, the reduced response to GSIs was confirmed in a mouse model with transgenic expression of an aggressive FAD-associated PS1 mutation as a highly potent GSI failed to reduce Aβ42 levels in brain of these mice. Taken together, our findings provide clear evidence for independent generation of Aβ42 and Aβ38 peptides, and argue that the sequential cleavage model might be an oversimplification of the molecular mechanism of γ-secretase. Most importantly, our results highlight the significance of genetic background in drug discovery efforts aimed at γ-secretase, and indicate that the use of cellular models with transgenic expression of FAD-associated PS mutations might confound studies of the potency and efficacy of GSMs and GSIs. Therefore, such models should be strictly avoided in the ongoing preclinical development of these promising and potentially disease-modifying therapeutics for AD.
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Since 1900, the Yoruba people of South-western Nigeria have put its ethnic history at work in the construction of its identity in Nigeria. The exercise resulted in the creation of ethno-nationalist movements and the practice of ethnic politics, often expressed through violent attacks on the Nigerian State and some ethnic groups in Nigeria. Relying on mythological attachment to its traditions and subjective creation of cultural pride, the people created a sense of history that established a common interest among different Yoruba sub-groups in form of pan-Yoruba interest which forms the basis for the people’s imagination of nation. Through this, historical consciousness and socio-political space in which Yoruba people are located acted as instrumental forces employed by Yoruba political elites, both at colonial and post-colonial periods to demand for increasing access to political and economic resources in Nigeria. In form of nationalism, nationalist movements and ethnic politics continued in South-western Nigeria since 1900, yet without resulting to actual creation of an independent Yoruba State up to 2009. Through ethnographic data, the part played by history, tradition and modernity is examined in this paper. While it is concluded that ethno-nationalist movement and ethnic politics in Yoruba society are constructive agenda dated back to pre-colonial period, it continues to transform both in structure and function. Thus, Yoruba ethno-nationalist movement and ethnic politics is ambiguous, dynamic and complex, to the extent that it remains a challenge to State actions in Nigeria.
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L’autore ricostruisce ed esamina la storia dei rapporti italo-tedeschi negli anni immediatamente precedenti la riapertura ufficiale delle relazioni diplomatiche tra Italia e Repubblica federale tedesca. Un riavvicinamento economico e politico progressivo, ma che suscitò forti contrasti tra i principali attori della diplomazia italiana. Il saggio si basa su una documentazione conservata presso l’Archivio storico del ministero degli Esteri, l’Archivio centrale dello Stato, l’Archivio storico della Banca d’Italia e l’Archivio Politico del ministero degli Esteri della Repubblica federale. L’autore sostiene che le relazioni economiche italo-tedesche assunsero un ruolo centrale nel processo di elaborazione della politica estera italiana sulla questione tedesca nel corso di questi anni. Prima dell’istituzione della Repubblica federale tedesca, l’Italia divenne un partner economico fondamentale per la Germania occidentale. Tra il 1945 e il 1949 l'Italia fu il primo paese europeo favorevole alla rinascita di un nuovo stato tedesco non sottoposto alla diretta influenza dell’Unione Sovietica. Il presidente del Consiglio De Gasperi e il ministro degli Esteri Sforza per sostenere la nuova Germania attuarono una precisa azione diplomatica di riavvicinamento politico, promuovendo diversi scambi di visite e di incontri con i rappresentanti tedeschi.
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We usually perform actions in a dynamic environment and changes in the location of a target for an upcoming action require both covert shifts of attention and motor planning update. In this study we tested whether, similarly to oculomotor areas that provide signals for overt and covert attention shifts, covert attention shifts modulate activity in cortical area V6A, which provides a bridge between visual signals and arm-motor control. We performed single cell recordings in monkeys trained to fixate straight-ahead while shifting attention outward to a peripheral cue and inward again to the fixation point. We found that neurons in V6A are influenced by spatial attention demonstrating that visual, motor, and attentional responses can occur in combination in single neurons of V6A. This modulation in an area primarily involved in visuo-motor transformation for reaching suggests that also reach-related regions could directly contribute in the shifts of spatial attention necessary to plan and control goal-directed arm movements. Moreover, to test whether V6A is causally involved in these processes, we have performed a human study using on-line repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation over the putative human V6A (pV6A) during an attention and a reaching task requiring covert shifts of attention and reaching movements towards cued targets in space. We demonstrate that the pV6A is causally involved in attention reorienting to target detection and that this process interferes with the execution of reaching movements towards unattended targets. The current findings suggest the direct involvement of the action-related dorso-medial visual stream in attentional processes, and a more specific role of V6A in attention reorienting. Therefore, we propose that attention signals are used by the V6A to rapidly update the current motor plan or the ongoing action when a behaviorally relevant object unexpectedly appears at an unattended location.
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Questo studio indaga la tradizione storiografica sulle regine seleucidi di III secolo a.C. - da Laodice I fino all’ascesa al trono di Laodice III - alla luce delle testimonianze documentarie. L’intento è stabilire l’orizzonte politico dell’azione delle regine nel momento meno conosciuto e più buio della storia del regno di Siria. Il III secolo seleucidico è infatti un periodo caratterizzato da incertezza nella ricostruzione evenemenziale e nell’analisi delle dinamiche sociopolitiche, soprattutto a causa dell’interesse relativo e limitato delle fonti storiografiche antiche a noi giunte relativamente alle vicende della monarchia seleucidica precedenti l’avvento di Antioco III il Grande. In questo panorama rappresenta un’eccezione il caso di Laodice I, che è al centro di un rilevante numero di testimonianze. Tenendo conto della differente natura delle fonti e della complessità del contesto evenemenziale, non sempre ricostruibile, è stata studiata la figura di Laodice I nell’intento di comprendere il paradigma di regalità femminile stabilito dalle azioni della regina, e quindi l’influenza di tale paradigma sulla generazione seleucide successiva. La ricerca si articola in tre sezioni, legate agli eventi principali del III secolo seleucide che vedono coinvolta la regina. La prima parte è dedicata all’attività di Laodice I dopo il secondo matrimonio di Antioco II con la tolemaica Berenice. La seconda parte riguarda il ruolo di Laodice nei complessi eventi che seguirono la morte del marito Antioco II nel 246 e nella Terza Guerra Siriaca, che vide la regina a fianco del figlio Seleuco II contrapporsi a Tolemeo III e Berenice Sira. La terza sezione si occupa dell’azione di Laodice I nella Guerra Fraterna al fianco di Antioco Ierace contro Seleuco II e Laodice II. Nella conclusione si riflette sull’influenza delle azioni politiche di Laodice I sulla scelta di Antioco III di sposare la cugina Laodice III, prima principessa del Ponto entrata nella dinastia regnante.
Resumo:
L’impegno civile di Umberto Zanotti Bianco (1889-1963) intrecciandosi ai principali eventi storici della prima metà del Novecento ha concorso a fare del Mezzogiorno d’Italia un laboratorio per una concreta emancipazione delle fasce sociali più umili. In queste coordinate l’azione di Zanotti Bianco è emblematica: supera la visione conservatrice di un sud incapace di fare emergere saperi e capacità organizzative mirando invece attraverso chiari, determinati e moderni progetti di riforma a far crescere il lievito della consapevolezza e della capacità di governarsi. Si può legittimamente sostenere che la complessa azione di Zanotti Bianco, pur partendo dalle migliori e più avanzate forme del pensiero meridionalista di inizio secolo, nella pratica tende a superare anche queste collocando la questione del Mezzogiorno d’Italia non solo nello scenario nazionale, tipico della fondamentale e già innovativa riflessione intorno al sud sviluppatasi da Villari a Salvemini, ma proietta le problematiche del meridione all’interno di un quadro europeo con una spiccata vocazione mediterranea. In sostanza i piani dell’intervento sociale, studiati e messi a punto inizialmente in Calabria e nelle regioni economicamente depresse del nostro Mezzogiorno, per Zanotti Bianco sembrano essere da modello anche per le più complesse questioni sociali di altri popoli del bacino del Mediterraneo i quali (come le popolazioni dell’Italia meridionale in quegli anni) apparivano deficitarii di strumenti per lo sviluppo economico, sociale, politico: è questa la tesi qui proposta.
Resumo:
People tend to automatically mimic facial expressions of others. If clear evidence exists on the effect of non-verbal behavior (emotion faces) on automatic facial mimicry, little is known about the role of verbal behavior (emotion language) in triggering such effects. Whereas it is well-established that political affiliation modulates facial mimicry, no evidence exists on whether this modulation passes also through verbal means. This research addressed the role of verbal behavior in triggering automatic facial effects depending on whether verbal stimuli are attributed to leaders of different political parties. Study 1 investigated the role of interpersonal verbs, referring to positive and negative emotion expressions and encoding them at different levels of abstraction, in triggering corresponding facial muscle activation in a reader. Study 2 examined the role of verbs expressing positive and negative emotional behaviors of political leaders in modulating automatic facial effects depending on the matched or mismatched political affiliation of participants and politicians of left-and right-wing. Study 3 examined whether verbs expressing happiness displays of ingroup politicians induce a more sincere smile (Duchenne) pattern among readers of same political affiliation relative to happiness expressions of outgroup politicians. Results showed that verbs encoding facial actions at different levels of abstraction elicited differential facial muscle activity (Study 1). Furthermore, political affiliation significantly modulated facial activation triggered by emotion verbs as participants showed more congruent and enhanced facial activity towards ingroup politicians’ smiles and frowns compared to those of outgroup politicians (Study 2). Participants facially responded with a more sincere smile pattern towards verbs expressing smiles of ingroup compared to outgroup politicians (Study 3). Altogether, results showed that the role of political affiliation in modulating automatic facial effects passes also through verbal channels and is revealed at a fine-grained level by inducing quantitative and qualitative differences in automatic facial reactions of readers.
Resumo:
The transcribed ultraconserved regions (T-UCRs) are a group of long non-coding RNAs involved in human carcinogenesis. The factors regulating the expression of T-UCRs and their mechanism of action in human cancers are unknown. In this work it was shown that high expression of uc.339 associates with lower survival in 204 non-small cell lung cancer (NSCLC) patients. Moreover, it was shown that uc.339 found up-regulated in archival NSCLC samples, acts as a decoy RNA for miR-339-3p, -663-3p and -95-5p. So, Cyclin E2, a direct target of three microRNAs is up-regulated, inducing cancer growth and migration. Evidence of this mechanism was provided from cell lines and primary samples confirming that TP53 directly regulates uc.339. These results support a key role for uc.339 in lung cancer.
