Los nuevos movimientos sociales, el uso de las TIC y su impacto social

El siguiente trabajo es el resultado una revisión sobre los Nuevos movimientos sociales y el uso de las nuevas tecnologías, vistos a la luz de la filosofía política. Esta reflexión parte de los resultados obtenidos en la tesis doctoral sobre “Nuevos movimientos sociales y uso de las TIC. Estudio de casos” presentada en la Universidad Complutense de Madrid en el doctorado de Comunicación, Cambio Social y Desarrollo. Si bien estos movimientos han existido desde hace mucho tiempo, las nuevas tecnologías digitales permiten la visualización, expansión y divulgación mayor de sus agendas y propuestas. El “saber hacer” de estos nuevos movimientos y su capacidad de transformación social, son expresión de un marco de estrategias diferentes a las propuestas por los grupos tradicionales enmarcados en los partidos políticos. Las metodologías de acción civil requieren de un flujo natural de la información, que los partidos políticos no pueden reproducir. Los recursos simbólicos y las expresiones de sentimientos y emociones, saltan a la palestra del juego social configurando un nuevo lenguaje, una manera distinta de ser. Más allá de la implicaciones mediáticas y políticas, hay un trasfondo en términos de cambio social profundo.

Seeing Turkish state formation processes: Mapping language and education census data

Language provides an interesting lens to look at state-building processes because of its cross-cutting nature. For example, in addition to its symbolic value and appeal, a national language has other roles in the process, including: (a) becoming the primary medium of communication which permits the nation to function efficiently in its political and economic life, (b) promoting social cohesion, allowing the nation to develop a common culture, and (c) forming a primordial basis for self-determination. Moreover, because of its cross-cutting nature, language interventions are rarely isolated activities. Languages are adopted by speakers, taking root in and spreading between communities because they are legitimated by legislation, and then reproduced through institutions like the education and military systems. Pádraig Ó’ Riagáin (1997) makes a case for this observing that “Language policy is formulated, implemented, and accomplishes its results within a complex interrelated set of economic, social, and political processes which include, inter alia, the operation of other non-language state policies” (p. 45). In the Turkish case, its foundational role in the formation of the Turkish nation-state but its linkages to human rights issues raises interesting issues about how socio-cultural practices become reproduced through institutional infrastructure formation. This dissertation is a country-level case study looking at Turkey’s nation-state building process through the lens of its language and education policy development processes with a focus on the early years of the Republic between 1927 and 1970. This project examines how different groups self-identified or were self-identified (as the case may be) in official Turkish statistical publications (e.g., the Turkish annual statistical yearbooks and the population censuses) during that time period when language and ethnicity data was made publicly available. The overarching questions this dissertation explores include: 1.What were the geo-political conditions surrounding the development and influencing the Turkish government’s language and education policies? 2.Are there any observable patterns in the geo-spatial distribution of language, literacy, and education participation rates over time? In what ways, are these traditionally linked variables (language, literacy, education participation) problematic? 3.What do changes in population identifiers, e.g., language and ethnicity, suggest about the government’s approach towards nation-state building through the construction of a civic Turkish identity and institution building? Archival secondary source data was digitized, aggregated by categories relevant to this project at national and provincial levels and over the course of time (primarily between 1927 and 2000). The data was then re-aggregated into values that could be longitudinally compared and then layered on aspatial administrative maps. This dissertation contributes to existing body of social policy literature by taking an interdisciplinary approach in looking at the larger socio-economic contexts in which language and education policies are produced.

Bogusław Śliwa (1944-1989) - działacz opozycji demokratycznej i "Solidarności" w Kaliszu

Bogusław Śliwa was born in Lvov on 6 October 1944. He graduated in law studies at Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań in 1969. Following the completion of his prosecutor’s apprenticeship he worked, among others, in Wolsztyn, Świebodzin and – from 1975 – in Kalisz. On 22 August 1978 Śliwa was fired from the public prosecutor’s office because he had attempted to detect a person who murdered during the robbery committed by a Civic Militia officer. That time he established and maintained close contacts with activists of the Workers’ Defence Committee (KOR), among others: Jacek Kuroń, Mirosław Chojecki, Adam Michnik, Bronisław Geremek, Jan Lityński, Zofia Romaszewska and Zbigniew Romaszewski. In 1978 he began to cooperate with the Kalisz group of the Movement for the Defence of Human and Civil Rights (ROPCiO). In the early 1979 this group started to publish “Wolne Słowo” in which Śliwa was a co-editor. On 28 June 1979 in Poznań he was involved in founding the Social Self-Defence Club of the Wielkopolska and Kujawy Region. In September 1980, during strikes at the FWR “Runotex” and KZKS “Winiary” in Kalisz Śliwa was an expert representing the workers. On 29 September of that year, he arranged in Kalisz a meeting of representatives and delegates of enterprises in Kalisz aimed at appointing the Board of the Inter-Enterprise Founding Committee of the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union. He became the secretary. Bogusław Śliwa also engaged in setting up and developing an information team. He was informally responsible for developing an information and printing base. Bogusław Śliwa set up “NSZZ Solidarność” magazine where he published his own articles. He also founded the “Solidarność” Workers’ Community Centre in Kalisz. it is noteworthy that it was the only community centre in Poland established by „Solidarność”. In December the Nationwide Liaison Commission of „Solidarność” appointed him to the Committee for the Defence of Prisoners of Conscience established on 10 December of that year. He participated in the information meeting of the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union of Independent Farmers “Solidarność Wiejska” held in Staw, in Szczytniki commune. During that meeting “Solidarność Wiejska” led by Mieczysław Walczykiewicz requested the authorities to liquidate the “Świt” Agricultural Production Cooperative in Cieszyków, in Szczytniki commune. Bogusław Śliwa was involved in this successful event. It was the first liquidation of cooperative in Poland. On 11 January 1981 Śliwa co-organized the 1st Regional Convention of „Solidarność” Wiejska in Kalisz. Following the so-called Bydgoszcz events of 19 March 1981 he advocated the general strike. Due to his attitude, Śliwa was listed as one of 146 „Solidarność” activists executed by the 3rd “A” Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. According to the authorities those activists presented radical views. On 30 June 1981 at the 1st General Delegates Convention of the Kaliskie province, Śliwa, as a delegate of the Kaliskie province, was appointed to the Regional Board of „Solidarność” – Southern Wielkopolska. In July Śliwa set up in Kalisz the underground branch of the Polish Democratic Party. In 1981 Śliwa was a delegate to the 1st National Delegates Convention of „Solidarność” and co-edited with Jan Lityński the document entitled: “Message to the Working People of Eastern Europe” originated by Henryk Siciński and adopted by the 1st National Delegates Convention. On 22 November he participated in the Warsaw-held meeting founding the Self-Governing Republic Clubs “Liberty – Equality– Independence” and signed the founding declaration. On 28 of that month he co-organized with Antoni Pietkiewicz a founding meeting of the Club in Kalisz. When martial law was declared he began to hide in Kalisz. Śliwa was arrested on 25 February 1982 and interned in Ostrów Wielkopolski and then in Gębarzew and Kwidzyn. After being released on 25 November 1982, he was immediately involved in the activity of the underground movement of „Solidarność”. He edited the first two issues of “Nasza Solidarność” magazine published in Kalisz. Śliwa co-invented and co-organized the 1st May march that was independent from the authorities’ one held in Kalisz in 1983. Consequently, he was temporarily arrested and detained in Ostrów Wielkopolski. On 7 June 1983 he was released from custody. The amnesty declared on 21 July 1983 caused that the investigation against him was discontinued. In July of the same year he co-founded the Inter-Regional Coordination Commission of the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union “Solidarność” Kalisz-Konin-Sieradz. As he could not find any work and he and his family were exposed to psychological harassment, he emigrated to Sweden on 30 December 1983. He worked, among other positions, as bookbinder. He was the board secretary of the Congress of Poles in Sweden. In 1984 he commented the death of priest Jerzy Popiełuszko in “Dagens Nyheter” daily. He was also interviewed by Radio Liberty. Śliwa commenced cooperating with representatives of the „Solidarność” Coordination Office in Paris, Brussels and Stockholm. On 18 April 1985 the Military Garrison Prosecutor’s Office in Wrocław initiated investigations against Śliwa, charging him with activities detrimental to political interests of the People’s Republic of Poland. Subsequently, on 10 July 1985 this public prosecutor’s office decided to issue an arrest warrant for him. On the same day the public prosecutor suspended criminal proceedings against him. In December 1985, after the courageous escape of two brothers, Adam and Krzysztof Zieliński, from Poland to Sweden, he helped them prevent their deportation and stay in their new homeland. He expressed his opinion on this issue on Swedish television and in “ Dagens Nyheter” daily. His intervention helped them legally stay in Sweden. In 1989 he arrived in Poland. During this short visit he met and talked with his colleagues from the so-called first „Solidarność”. Bogusław Śliwa died in Stockholm on 23 November 1989. He was buried there on 7 December 1989. On 18 October 2006 he was posthumously honoured by Lech Kaczynski, President of Poland, with the Order of Polonis Restitution. On 15 June 2007 Bogusław Śliwa was posthumously granted the title of an Honorary Citizen of Kalisz by the Town Council of Kalisz.

A aprendizagem de plena participação a partir das experiências e percursos individuais

Relatório de estágio apresentado à Escola Superior de Educação de Paula Frassinetti para a obtenção do grau de Mestre em Educação Pré-Escolar e Ensino do 1.º Ciclo do Ensino Básico

Minas e memórias da Urgeiriça: contributos da arte para a sensibilização ambiental

O projeto "Minas e Memórias da Urgeiriça" focaliza-se nos contributos da arte enquanto vetor de sensibilização ambiental, entendida como um veículo privilegiado para promover comportamentos e atitudes mais sustentáveis, responsáveis e cívicas, apelando para a mudança ou para o reforço de boas práticas ambientais. O projeto foi implementado no Concelho de Nelas, distrito de Viseu, baseando-se na história socioambiental das Minas da Urgeiriça, localizadas na freguesia de Canas de Senhorim. Abarcou um conjunto de atividades de índoles pedagógico e artístico, que se interligaram coerentemente, iniciando-se com o seminário “Urgeiriça: Antes, Agora e Depois?”, seguindo-se a performance “Escuridão” complementada pelos cantares de hinos dos ex-trabalhadores das Minas da Urgeiriça, culminando na visita à instalação artística “Escavações”. Os resultados estão ancorados em duas premissas fundamentais: por um lado, os testemunhos reais dos ex-trabalhadores mineiros expressaram a influência da ação do homem sobre a natureza de forma descomedida e irresponsável, que continua a acarretar consequências nefastas para o ser humano, e por outro, demonstraram as intervenções a que o local se sujeitou (da exploração desenfreada de recursos até à progressiva requalificação). Para tal, conseguiu-se revitalizar e reforçar as memórias do espaço (físico e mental) e materializá-las através da arte como forma de sensibilizar a comunidade local acerca das ações resultantes da interação do homem versus ambiente, sendo encaradas como meio privilegiado de desenvolvimento comunitário, gerador de competências e de mudanças.

The Fourth Attempt to Construct a Politics of Welfare Obligations

Since the 1980s there have been three main attempts to ground citizenship upon the principles of duty, obligation and responsibility: conservative, communitarian and Third Way. Each of these are reviewed below. The principal task of this article, though, is to examine the emergence of a fourth attempt which, by relating duty to equality through the principle of reciprocity, represents a synthesis of traditional social democracy with the new politics of obligation. Our focus will be upon The Civic Minimum by Stuart White since this is arguably the most cogent expression of duty-based egalitarianism to have emerged in recent years. Key words: citizenship, equality, reciprocity, Basic Income

Editorial. [Demokratielernen. Eine Vielfalt von Fähigkeiten und eine Frage der Übung]

Diskurse und Auseinandersetzungen mit den Fragen von Demokratie und Bildung und den Inhalten demokratischer Bildung sind in Österreich - so es sie überhaupt gibt - häufig verkürzt. Der Fokus liegt meist auf "Mitbestimmung". Fragen der Gestaltung der demokratischen Grundstrukturen und des demokratischen Grundverständnisses werden vernachlässigt. Das ist wohl u.a. auf die wenig aufgearbeitete autoritäre und faschistische Tradition in den meisten institutionellen Kontexten zurückzuführen. Die vorliegende Ausgabe des Magazin erwachsenenbildung.at fragt, was Demokratie kennzeichnet, wie viel und welche Art von Demokratie wir uns vorstellen können und wie viel Demokratie eine Gesellschaft braucht. Die Themenbeiträge entwickeln verschiedene, kritische, oft feministische Zugänge zum Demokratielernen und werden einerseits thematisch (critical science literacy, economic literacy), andererseits methodisch (Psychodrama, Legislatives Theater) mit direkten praktischen Bezügen ausgeführt. Die praxisorientierten Beiträge beschäftigen sich mit spezifischen Ansätzen (Anti-Bias-Ansatz, kritische Radioberichterstattung) und alten neuen Themen des Demokratielernens (politischer Extremismus, Geschlechterstereotype). Resümierend appellieren die Herausgeber, die institutionelle Einbindung zivilgesellschaftlicher Organisationsformen in die Erwachsenenbildungslandschaft und auch die verkürzten Diskurse um demokratische Bildung in Österreich genauer zu untersuchen. (DIPF/Orig.)

Ciudadanía y defensa del territorio: la experiencia del Medio Vinalopó (Alicante)

El último periodo de expansión urbanizadora en España, iniciado en los años 1990, ha provocado intensas y extensas transformaciones sobre el territorio, con implicaciones económicas y ambientales, además de una creciente preocupación ciudadana hacia las dinámicas observadas. El artículo propone el análisis del comportamiento ciudadano ante los rápidos e intensos cambios territoriales que se observa sobre un ámbito supramunicipal concreto en Alicante. La unidad básica de análisis son los colectivos cívicos que responden a un perfil de defensa del territorio. La observación directa de estos colectivos ayudará a comprender los principales problemas del territorio y la política territorial, así como a establecer propuestas para el diálogo entre los gestores territoriales y los agentes ciudadanos.

Zwischen Anpassung und Widerstand: Critical Science Literacy in der Wissensgesellschaft

In der gegenwärtigen "Wissensgesellschaft" spielt wissenschaftliches Wissen eine zentrale Rolle, um gesellschaftliche Verhältnisse herzustellen oder zu reproduzieren. Ein kritischer Umgang mit (wissenschaftlichem) Wissen - eine "critical science literacy" - eröffnet Möglichkeiten des Widerstands in der Wissensgesellschaft und kann damit als demokratische Grundfertigkeit begriffen werden. Im vorliegenden Beitrag gehen die Autorinnen den Möglichkeiten einer critical science literacy im Spannungsverhältnis von Anpassung und Widerstand nach. Sie werfen einen Blick auf die historische Entwicklung der Debatte um scientific literacy - ursprünglich nur als naturwissenschaftliche Grundkompetenz gedacht, aber mit einem durchaus kritisch reflexiven und demokratischen Moment - im Kontext demokratisch-kapitalistischer Verhältnisse. Sie verstehen critical science literacy als eine auf allen Ebenen der Wissensgenerierung und -bildung verantwortungsvolle, kollektive und eingreifende Praxis in gesellschaftliche Auseinandersetzungen. (DIPF/Orig.)

Sentimento de pertença psicológica : uma contribuição da educação na educação social inclusiva na cidade de Arapiraca no Estado de Alagoas Brasil

ABSTRACT Background: The school needs proficiar education able to meet the needs of every child regardless of the social and physical condition linguistically. Objective: This study aims to identify the sense of psychological belonging as a contribution to inclusive social education in the city of Arapiraca / al. Method: The methodology used to conduct this study was triangulated. The quantitative, descriptive and explorative, it was .desenvolvido at a school in Arapiraca - AL, in the period from January 2014 to March 2014, having been asked 38 students and their teachers with special necessidaes. With regard to the qualitative study was chosen for conducting interviews with teachers and students. Results: We questioned 38 students with special educational needs and 20 teachers, and it was found that 25% of teachers have specific training and 75% have no specific training. As for the students most had needs intellectual level. As for the teachers felt unprepared to meet students with special educational needs. On the other hand, it is important to note that among the students surveyed most are affected by stress and depression and reported that such things happen because you often see in the classroom in situations that do not know how to solve and when they seek help, found. Conclusion: The school, set in this context has an important role follow the changes, preparing their students more consciously to exercise citizenship by providing means proficionais skilled resources to this function. It is within the perspectiva of inclusive education we believe to achieve in the future, a society where everyone has their rights respected. The sense of psychological belonging experienced by educators in the classroom has special students is part of their lives. School social inclusion is a process that involves access, retention and success of students, but that requires a lot of educator and many times that is not prepared to answer all the expectations of the particular student. Focusing on the issue of the current situation that the public school experience, is undoubtedly recognize the need for changes in their practices. The search we are undertaking it is to carry on with this discussion in order to build the mission of educators grounded in a conscious inclusion within the educational possibilities available today. Key - words: Education. Inclusion. Citizenship. Psychological, Feeling of belonging.

Wirtschaftswissen neu verhandeln. Economic Literacy mittels Psychodrama

Economic Literacy ist ein politischer und demokratischer Ansatz. Er entstand in den 1980er Jahren im Kontext der Internationalen Frauenbewegung. Angelehnt an die Pädagogik der Befreiung von Paulo Freire, soll dabei Wirtschaftswissen in gemeinschaftlicher Auseinandersetzung gestaltet und veränderbar gemacht werden. Die beiden Autorinnen stellen in diesem Beitrag ihre Bildungsarbeit vor. Sie plädieren in der Tradition eines feministisch inspirierten Hinterfragens neoliberaler Konzepte für ein Wirtschaftswissen, das die Lebensdienlichkeit der Ökonomie ins Zentrum stellt. Mittels der Methode des Psychodramas suchen sie Antwort auf Fragen wie: Wem wird die Kompetenz (nicht) zugeschrieben, über Wirtschaft zu sprechen? Welche AkteurInnen mit welchen Interessen bekommen den Raum, ihre wirtschaftlichen Positionen kundzutun? Wer hält die Deutungsmacht über das "richtige" Wirtschaftswissen, wer die Macht zu entscheiden? Wirtschaftswissen soll so neu verhandelt werden, die Wirtschaftsexpertise von Frauen sichtbar gemacht und letztlich die Frage virulent werden: Wie wollen wir, als Gesellschaft, die Bereitstellung von lebensnotwendigen Gütern und Dienstleistungen gestalten? (DIPF/Orig.)

Demokratische Bildung und Beteiligung nahe an den Lebenswelten. Möglichkeiten des Legislativen Theaters

Politische Teilhabe und Raum für Subjektivität gehen Hand in Hand. Menschen in schwierigen und benachteiligten Lebenslagen wird der Raum für unabhängiges, kritisches, politisches Denken und Handeln aufgrund der Prekarität ihres Lebensalltages jedoch zusehends entzogen. Theaterarbeit kann hier ein Ort sein, um (wieder) Zugang zum eigenen Erleben, zu den eigenen Sichtweisen und zur eigenen Sprache zu finden; Beteiligung wird erfahrbar gemacht und soziale Grenzen können überschritten werden. Im Zentrum des vorliegenden Beitrages steht das Legislative Theater nach Augusto Boal, das politische Öffentlichkeit unter Einschluss der "Ausgeschlossenen" ermöglicht und darüber hinaus demokratische Beteiligung eröffnet. Vorgestellt werden Geschichte, Ablauf, aber auch drei konkret von InterACT umgesetzte Beispiele in Österreich und deren nachhaltige politische Einflussnahme. Fazit des Autors: Politisches und demokratisches Lernen entwickeln sich vor allem nahe an den Lebenslagen und Lebenswelten des/der Einzelnen. (DIPF/Orig.)

„Extremismus – Was tun?“ Ein Bildungsangebot der AK Oberösterreich im Spannungsfeld aktueller demokratiepolitischer Entwicklungen

Auch im betrieblichen Umfeld kann die Ausbreitung radikalistischer, rassistischer und rechtsextremer Tendenzen beobachtet werden. Was kann die gewerkschaftliche Weiterbildung im Rahmen der politischen Erwachsenenbildung hiergegen unternehmen? In der Arbeiterkammer Oberösterreich wurde eine Seminarreihe mit dem Titel "Extremismus - Was tun?" konzipiert, die sich in erster Linie an Betriebsrätinnen und Betriebsräte richtet. In insgesamt acht Einzelveranstaltungen sollen die Problematik von Alltagsrassismus, eigenen Vorurteilen, neuen gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungen und vor allem der Umgang mit diesen Herausforderungen im betrieblichen Umfeld erörtert werden. Der vorliegende Beitrag beschreibt die konzeptuellen Vorüberlegungen und Leitlinien der Bildungsarbeit der Arbeiterkammer und die Grundlagen, die Ausgestaltung und die Umsetzung dieses im Frühjahr 2016 gestarteten Erwachsenenbildungsprogramms. (DIPF/Orig.)

European Cosmopolitan Solidarity

The idea of a cosmopolitan Europe continues to be central to contemporary debates within post-national citizenship. However, much of the writing in this area remains disconnected from the need to reinvent European social democracy that questions the centrality of work and racist nationalism. This article argues that a revived European Left would need to move beyond specifically liberal concerns with procedure to articulate a view of European futures that both deconstructed neo-liberalism and embraced more convivial collective futures. This would entail the combination of a post-material politics that sought to critique the centrality of employment while granting citizens a basic income or forms of civic labour and a more concerted attempt to break with a racialized politics based upon the fear of the ‘Other’. In conclusion, it is argued that the urgent political task of the future is to reinvent a sense of Europeaness that has both a substantive content, but that does not become mobilized by an exclusive cultural politics.

Panoptikum Bildung – Impulse zur demokratiepolitischen Bildung. Radiosendungen als Beitrag zu zivilgesellschaftlichem Engagement

Die Radiosendung Panoptikum Bildung versteht sich als Medium kritischer Berichterstattung und versucht sozialpolitische Phänomene durch sachliche Informationen aufzubereiten. Die einzelnen Radiobeiträge beleuchten bildungsrelevante Themen aus einem kritischen Blickwinkel, bieten umfassende Hintergrundinformationen und binden FachexpertInnen mit ein. Credo ist: Information statt Infotainment, Gespräch statt Floskeln, Wissensvermittlung anstelle von Talkshowformaten und Dialog statt Konfrontation. In diesem Beitrag, der sich auf bisher unveröffentlichte Jahresberichte der Radiosendereihe stützt, werden das Entstehen und die Leitgedanken sowie die Inhalte und Anliegen einzelner Radiobeiträge vor dem Hintergrund von Oskar Negts theoretischen Überlegungen zu Demokratie und Bildung beschrieben und reflektiert. (DIPF/Orig.)