1000 resultados para argumento anselmiano


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The objective of this paper is to present a Portuguese translation, with notes and commentary, and the corresponding Greek text of a small excerpt of book I (Onir. I. 56.25 -45), of Artemidorus’ Interpretation of dreams, Oneirokritika, based on Pack’s edition (1963), and on Houlihan’s (1997a,b) reviews and of Bowersock (1994)’s. It is a particular and important passage, focused on dreams about tragedy, comedy, choruses and hymns. To this translation, which serves as the basis for the present study of the onirocritic text, other excerpts were added in order to examine the (re)configuration of the dramatic action or hypokrisis into dream interpretations, within the author’s model of analysis, and its relationship with truth and falseness on physis, ethos and tekhne levels; all on a common denominator, memory. A rhetoric basis for author’s onirocritic vision and the keys to onirocritics in the dramatic scenes are discussed.

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This article suggests the need for change in focus of studies on new instances of participation in public policy management, which emerged in the Brazilian re-democratization. Moving away from the literature that addresses the role of civil society in these instances, the author reviews studies on Participatory Budgeting (PB) indicating how such experiences are marked by the dynamics of political society. The argument is reinforced by the presentation of a survey of PB counselors in Osasco-SP, by which we perceive, in general, a role filled by political processes of representative democracy. Most councilors compose the fringes of the political society, lie on the rise in, seeking better position in the local political field, internal disputes within the parties and the municipal government. This points the limits of the democratizing potential of the PB, since the expansion of participation in budget decisions would be just within the political society.

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Based on the aesthetic investigations of Freud, the work intends to bring joints between possible sensitive effects caused by contact / reception with works of art (having them here as “framed art”) and psychoanalytic clinical setting. The text is also concerned to show that the production of these striking effects, happens by the condition of these items (artistic and clinical) are under a frame and therefore conceptualized as aesthetic in this article arguments.

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In this essay, we sustain the idea that structuralist thinking is part of spontaneous criticism against the reductionisms that surround psychology. We depart from the radical split-up between the scientific viewpoint and that of metaphysics, expressed in the end-19th century scientific psychology projects. Next, we highlight the importance of the structuralist perspective in the review of the antinomic relations between the subjective and objective, operated at the heart of psychology throughout the 20th century. We show that the rejection of unilineal causality in favor of network causality curbed the advancement of unilateral or reductionist theories in psychology. Moreover, we consider the idea of structure as a point of convergence between psychology and philosophy. More than its explanatory nature, the notion of structure reveals an epistemological register capable of re-approximating psychology to the relativization of the ideal of scientific neutrality. The importance of structuralist thinking in psychology makes us consider the history of psychological knowledge as a type of research that belongs to cultural history.

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The question of the relationship between subject and object has been discussed and explored in several theoretical and methodological systems, showing resonances and disagreements about the possibilities of developing a science or a philosophical system to allow the construction of the knowledge about the world. Among these, the systems of two authors in particular are different, respectively, regarding the complexity and ontological taxonomic: Michel Foucault and Karl Marx. This work aims to discuss the objectivity and subjectivity in the work of these two thinkers, indicating some possible correlations. The discussions were about the concept of knowledge in Michel Foucault, difficulties experienced by its researchers to classify their work within a classical theoretical system and the difference of Marxist theory in relation to other research programs for not presenting the individual as the fundamental ontological entity. Foucault´s work influenced the process of restoration and redemption of Marxism by Marxists groups.

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This article argues for the existence of a nomadic way of thinking, in accord with Deleuze and Guattari’s proposals throughout their “nomadology”. I will look forward to develop such an argument through of four points: the epistemological, the political, the historical and the ontological one. These four points, in set, describe what we call nomadic thought. Such reflection is defined in the observation of a dominant process that constitutes subjectivities ruled by a “capitalist axiomatic”, in our time. Such process is understood as a nomadic device involving, as its main by-product, what is called of narcissism of the difference. However, if the dominant way of becoming subjects ruled by capitalist society, in our time, is nomadic, is it still worthwhile thinking as a nomad, as pursued Deleuze and Guattari?

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Pós-graduação em Letras - FCLAS

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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A abordagem territorial do desenvolvimento tornou-se um referencial importante para a elaboração de políticas públicas de desenvolvimento rural. No Brasil, a Secretaria de Desenvolvimento Territorial, criada em 2003 e vinculada ao Ministério do Desenvolvimento Agrário, o adotou estrategicamente. O Programa Nacional de Desenvolvimento Sustentável dos Territórios Rurais (Pronat), lançado em 2003, prevê a execução de um conjunto de ações voltadas a municípios rurais articulados territorialmente. Em 2008, ocorreu a implantação do Programa Territórios da Cidadania, desdobramento do Pronat e política de desenvolvimento rural para dinamizar territórios economicamente deprimidos. A gestão decisória compartilhada entre Estado e sociedade é uma das premissas e objetivos do Programa. No estado do Paraná, o Projeto de Inclusão Social e Desenvolvimento Rural Sustentável converge com as políticas territoriais estabelecidas na esfera federal, tanto em termos de conteúdo como de procedimentos. A análise da constituição do Território Integração Norte Pioneiro (PR) fundamenta o argumento de que a formulação do Pronat, e do Programa Territórios da Cidadania, tem como um de seus objetivos centrais a constituição de uma esfera decisória microrregional que atue nas questões rurais, priorizando-se a descentralização das atribuições no que concerne ao desenvolvimento rural.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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The central thesis that we aim to survey in this paper is that the present South-American political scene has required of the American imperialism a strategical redesign, in the sense of the neutralization, weakening and, if it is possible, destruction of regional political experiences/tendencies not aligned to its foreign politics. Under the mask of the defense of democracy and beneath the argument that Latin American "market oriented politics" are at stake, due to questions that goes back from the "delin-quency" —in Mexico—, the global terrorism, the organized international crime up to the worldwide drug traffic, the global strategy of American imperialism then sets up the definition of a new doctrine of preventive war that justifies the utilization of hard power against any country, in the name of its own defense. At the heart of the question what —actually— is in the agenda is the defense (and reproduction) of the benefits of its multinationals corporations and financial capital, by means of the international sub-traction of profitable assets, such as financial, energetic, communicational and natural resources, in addition to the domination of local markets, beyond facilitating capital flee amongst others.

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My purpose is to reflect critically on how Benjamin Libet interprets his experiments, which are focused primarily on the question of free will. These experiments have often been considered as scientific evidence against free will, to the extent that they would have shown that the intention and will result from conscious brain processes, which are unconscious and precedents. But that is not the position of Libet, which distinguishes intention and conscious will, arguing that only the first results from previous and unconscious brain processes, while the second is autonomous and able to act causally on brain. Thus, Libet choose to ignore the suggestion of its initial experiments, that is, that all mental events result of specific brain processes. I argue that Libet ignores it because he is not able to understand how mental events, being essentially separated and at the same time the result of brain activity, could act causally on the brain.

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El escenario de la digitalización de los medios de comunicación, especialmente la televisión terrestre, y una política para el desarrollo de contenidos audiovisuales entraron en la agenda del MERCOSUR. Cambiar de el estándar de TV fue solamente el argumento embrionario para un conjunto de acciones destinadas a dar densidad a las iniciativas conjuntas de Argentina, Brasil, Paraguay y Uruguay en la jóven integración polí- tica y económica del Cono Sur. Así, nos propone- mos la reflexión en torno a las políticas públicas que provocan la implementación de la televisión digital en los países miembros del MERCOSUR intentando delinear los intereses políticos, la reestructuración del mercado regional y el establecimiento de modelos, patrones y sistemas de cooperación entre los países miembros. El análisis nos permite inferir que los gobiernos con matices de de centroizquierda de MERCOSUR optaron por la integración de las políticas públi- cas para fortalecer de la hegemonía del bloque en la innovación tecnológica, el desarrollo de contenido compartido y el fortalecimiento del capitalismo inmaterial.