Discursive constructions of social and environmental accounting in Brazil: the case of Petrobras.

In the 29 years following \"Our Common Future\" by the United Nations, there is considerable debate among governments, civil society, interest groups and business organisations about what constitutes sustainable development, which constitutes evidence for a contested discourse concerning sustainability. The purpose of this study is to understand this debate in the developing economic context of Brazil, and in particular, to understand and critique the social and environmental accounting [SEA] discursive constructions relating to the State-owned, Petrobras as well as to understand the Brazilian literature on SEA. The discourse theory [DT]-based analysis employs rhetorical redescription to analyse twenty-two reports from Petrobras from 2004-2013. I investigate the political notions by employing the methodological framework of the Logics of Critical Explanation [LCE]. LCE engenders five methodological steps: problematisation, retroduction, logics (social, political and fantasmatic), articulation and critique. The empirical discussion suggests that the hegemony of economic development operates to obfuscate, rhetorically, the development of sustainability, so as to maintain the core business of Petrobras conceived as capital accumulation. Equally, these articulations also illustrate how the constructions of SEA operate to serve the company\'s purpose with few (none) profound changes in integration of sustainability. The Brazilian literature on SEA sustains the status quo of neo-liberal market policies that operate to protect the dominant business case approach to maintain an agenda of wealth-creation in relation to social and environmental needs. The articulations of the case manifested in policies regarding, for example, corruption, which involved over-payments for contracts and unsustainable practices relating to the use of fossil fuels and demonstrated that there was antagonism between action and disclosure. The corruption scandal that emerged after SEA disclosures highlighted the rhetorical nature of disclosure when financial resources were subtracted from the company for political parties and engineering contractors hid facts through incomplete disclosures. The articulations of SEA misrepresent a broader context of the meanings associated with sustainability, which restricted the constructions of SEA to principally serve and represent the intention of the most powerful groups. The significance of SEA, then is narrowed to represent particular interests. The study argues for more critical studies as limited Brazilian literature concerning SEA kept a \'safe distance\' from substantively critiquing the constructions of SEA and its articulations in the Brazilian context. The literature review and the Petrobras\' case illustrate a variety of naming, instituting and articulatory practices that endeavour to maintain the current hegemony of development in an emerging economy, which allows Petrobras to continue to exercise significant profit at the expense of the social and environmental. The constructed idea of development in Petrobras\' discourses emphasises a rhetoric of wider development, but, in reality, these discourses were the antithesis of political, social and ethical developmental issues. These constructions aim to hide struggles between social inequalities and exploitation of natural resources and constitute excuses about a fanciful notion of rhetorical and hegemonic neo-liberal development. In summary, this thesis contributes to the prior literature in five ways: (i) the addition of DT to the analysis of SEA enhances the discussion of political elements such as hegemony, antagonism, logic of equivalence/difference, ideology and articulation; (ii) the analysis of an emerging economy such as Brazil incorporates a new perspective of the discussion of the discourses of SEA and development; (iii) this thesis includes a focus on rhetoric to discuss the maintenance of the status quo; (iv) the holistic structure of the LCE approach enlarges the understanding of the social, political and fantasmatic logics of SEA studies and; (v) this thesis combines an analysis of the literature and the case of Petrobras to characterise and critique the state of the Brazilian academy and its impacts and reflections on the significance of SEA. This thesis, therefore, argues for more critical studies in the Brazilian academy due to the persistence of idea of SEA and development that takes-for-granted deep exclusions and contradictions and provide little space for critiques.

Micronutrients and the Sahel: The Need for International Food Aid Reform

The 2012 Food Assistance Convention (FAsC) will replace the 1999 Food Aid Convention (FAC), shortly becoming the new document governing international food aid. This new convention will allow for culturally- and nutritionally-appropriate food purchases, but it lacks sufficient guidance and enforcement mechanisms to ensure the inclusion of micronutrients in food assistance. In conjunction with other United Nations-based programs, reforms focused on cooperation, measurement, and education in micronutrient interventions are recommended for the FAsC framework. These reforms stand to benefit the persistently hungry and micronutrient deficient Sahel region of Africa.

La légalité de l'intervention militaire française au Mali : contribution à l’étude du cadre juridique de la lutte armée contre le terrorisme international

Mémoire récipiendaire de la mention "Excellent", avec les félicitations du jury.

EU actorness and effectiveness under political pressure at the Copenhagen climate change negotiations

This paper analyses the extent of European Union (EU) actorness and effectiveness at the fifteenth United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) Conference of the Parties (COP) meeting in Copenhagen in December 2009. For over a decade the European Union has been characterised as a leader in international climate policy-making and as an important actor in international climate change negotiations. The COP15 meeting in Copenhagen has overall brought about disappointing outcomes, especially from the perspective of the European Union. This casts doubts on EU leadership and begs the question of what has happened to EU actorness and effectiveness in this field. In terms of actorness we take Jupille and Caporaso (1998) as a point of departure and then specify a more parsimonious actorness framework that consists of cohesion and autonomy. Effectiveness (i.e. goal attainment) is seen as conceptually separate from actorness. Effectiveness is conceptualised as the result of actorness conditioned by the ‘opportunity structure’, i.e. the external context (of other actors, events and ideas) that enables or constrains EU actions. We hold that the EU’s actorness has been only moderate, especially given somewhat limited preference cohesion. In terms of the opportunity structure in Copenhagen we argue that the high degree of politicisation constrained the EU’s ability to negotiate and thus to attain its goals. Another external factor that had a substantial adverse impact on the EU’s effectiveness at the Copenhagen negotiations was the strong involvement of other actors with rather different positions, namely the United States (US) and the BASIC countries (Brazil, South Africa, India, and China).

Adapting to climate change from a regional perspective: in search of a requisite policy and legal framework. Jean Monnet Occasional Paper No. 8/2014

This paper aims to identify the Mediterranean States’ potential in adopting a regional strategy on climate change adaptation. The author proposes a Mediterranean Strategy on Adaptation to Climate Change as the first step to a political/legal regional approach to climate change issues that would supplement the multilateral process under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol. According to the author such a strategy would enhance cooperation between the EU and other Mediterranean states in various ways. The experience of the EU in regulating climate change and its ever growing knowledge-base on its impacts could serve to guide the other Mediterranean states’ and help bridge their knowledge-base gap on the topic. On the other hand, the support and cooperation of the EU’s Mediterranean partners would provide an opportunity for the EU to address better the challenges the climate change threatens to bring in its southernmost regions. The strategy could eventually even pave the way for the very first regional treaty on climate change that could be negotiated under the auspices of the Regional Seas Programme and the Union for the Mediterranean.

After a nuclear deal: What next for Iranian oil and gas? EPC Policy Brief, 23 June 2015

On 2 April in Lausanne, after months of intense negotiations, Iran and the E3+3 (France, Germany, and the UK plus China, Russia, and the US) agreed on a framework deal for the resolution of the nuclear dispute. EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Federica Mogherini, and Iran's Foreign Minister, Mohammad Javad Zarif, issued a joint statement announcing that "solutions on key parameters of a Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action" have been found. While differences remain on several issues, including the scope of International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspections and sanctions relief, the statement has nevertheless raised hopes that a final deal may be reached this summer. If accomplished, an agreement would bring an end to more than a decade of tensions between Iran and the international community. This would result in the lifting of several sanctions, which were adopted against Iran by the United Nations, the EU, and the US. Unsurprisingly therefore, Iran's economy and in particular its energy sector are now the subject of worldwide attention.

La légalité de l'intervention militaire française au Mali : contribution à l’étude du cadre juridique de la lutte armée contre le terrorisme international.

Mémoire récipiendaire de la mention "Excellent", avec les félicitations du jury.

Beyond the Earth Summit : developing an energy-efficient world : hearing before the Committee on Governmental Affairs, United States Senate, One Hundred Second Congress, second session, May 21, 1992.

Shipping list no.: 93-0176-P.

A time for peace : promoting peace, the policy of the United States.

"February 1995."

List of plant breeders in Canada and the United States of America; a reference list of classified information giving the addresses and activities of plant breeders in these countries.

Supplement; World list of plant breeders. (105 p.) issued in 1952 (Rome, Italy)

Situation in Haiti : hearing before the Committee on Armed Services, United States Senate, One Hundred Third Congress, second session, September 28, 1994.

Mode of access: Internet.

Towards a world of plenty; the story of the food and agriculture organization of the United States.

Mode of access: Internet.

U.S. participation in U.N. program budgets : report to the chairman, Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate of the United States /

"B-216271"--Prelim. leaf.

Whither the responsibility to protect? Humanitarian intervention and the 2005 World Summit

At the 2005 World Summit, the world's leaders committed themselves to the "responsibility to protect", recognizing both that all states have a responsibility to protect their citizens from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity and that the UN should help states to discharge this responsibility using either peaceful means or enforcement action. This declaration ostensibly marks an important milestone in the relationship between sovereignty and human rights but its critics argue that it will make little difference in practice to the world's most threatened people. The purpose of this article is to ask how consensus was reached on the responsibility to protect, given continuing hostility to humanitarian intervention expressed by many (if not most) of the world's states and whether the consensus will contribute to avoiding future Kosovos (cases where the Security Council is deadlocked in the face of a humanitarian crises) and future Rwandas (cases where states lack the political will to intervene). It suggests that four key factors contributed to the consensus: pressure from proponents of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, its adoption by Kofi Annan and the UN's High Level Panel, an emerging consensus in the African Union, and the American position. Whilst these four factors contributed to consensus, each altered the meaning of the responsibility to protect in important ways, creating a doctrine that many states can sign up to but that does little to prevent future Kosovos and Rwandas and may actually inhibit attempts to build a consensus around intervention in future cases.

Spesa pubblica in Sanità, Istruzione e Ricerca: efficienza, efficacia e determinanti

La ricerca intende analizzare l’efficacia della spesa pubblica, l’efficienza e le loro determinanti nei settori della Sanità, dell’Istruzione e della Ricerca per 33 paesi dell’area OCSE. L’analisi ha un duplice obiettivo: da un lato un confronto cross country e dall’altro un confronto temporale, prendendo in considerazione il periodo che va dal 1992 al 2011. Il tema della valutazione dell’efficacia e dell’efficienza della spesa pubblica è molto attuale, soprattutto in Europa, sia perché essa incide di quasi il 50% sul PIL, sia a causa della crisi finanziaria del 2008 che ha spinto i governi ad una riduzione dei bugdet e ad un loro uso più oculato. La scelta di concentrare il lavoro di analisi nei settori della Sanità, dell’Istruzione e della Ricerca e Sviluppo deriva da un lato dalla loro peculiarità di attività orientate al cliente (scuole, ospedali, tribunali) dall’altro dal ruolo strategico che essi rappresentano per lo sviluppo economico di un paese. Il lavoro è articolato in tre sezioni: 1. Rassegna dei principali strumenti metodologici utilizzati in letteratura per la misurazione della performance e dell’efficienza della spesa pubblica nei tre settori. 2. Valutazione e confronto dell’efficienza e della performance della spesa pubblica dal punto di vista sia temporale sia cross-country attraverso la costruzione di indicatori di performance e di efficienza della spesa pubblica (per approfondire l'indice dell'efficienza ho applicato la tecnica DEA "bootstrap output oriented" con indicatori di output ed input non simultanei mentre l’evoluzione dell’efficienza tra i periodi 2011-2002 e 2001-1992 è stata analizzata attraverso il calcolo dell’indice di Malmquist). 3. Analisi delle variabili esogene che influenzano l’efficienza della spesa pubblica nei settori Salute, Istruzione e Ricerca e Sviluppo attraverso una regressione Tobit avente come variabile dipendente i punteggi di efficienza DEA output oriented e come variabili esogene alcuni indicatori scelti tra quelli presenti in letteratura: l’Indicatore delle condizioni socioeconomiche delle famiglie (costruito e applicato da OCSE PISA per valutare l’impatto del background familiare nelle performance dell’apprendimento), l’Indicatore di fiducia nel sistema legislativo del paese, l’Indicatore di tutela dei diritti di proprietà, l’Indicatore delle azioni di controllo della corruzione, l’Indicatore di efficacia delle azioni di governo, l’Indicatore della qualità dei regolamenti, il PIL pro-capite. Da questo lavoro emergono risultati interessanti: non sempre alla quantità di risorse impiegate corrisponde il livello massimo di performance raggiungibile. I risultati della DEA evidenziano la media dei punteggi di efficienza corretti di 0,712 e quindi, impiegando la stessa quantità di risorse, si produrrebbe un potenziale miglioramento dell’output generato di circa il 29%. Svezia, Giappone, Finlandia e Germania risultano i paesi più efficienti, più vicini alla frontiera, mentre Slovacchia, Portogallo e Ungheria sono più distanti dalla frontiera con una misura di inefficienza di circa il 40%. Per quanto riguarda il confronto tra l’efficienza della spesa pubblica nei tre settori tra i periodi 1992-2001 e 2002-2011, l’indice di Malmquist mostra risultati interessanti: i paesi che hanno migliorato il loro livello di efficienza sono quelli dell’Est come l’Estonia, la Slovacchia, la Lituania mentre Paesi Bassi, Belgio e Stati Uniti hanno peggiorato la loro posizione. I paesi che risultano efficienti nella DEA come Finlandia, Germania e Svezia sono rimasti sostanzialmente fermi con un indice di Malmquist vicino al valore uno. In conclusione, i risultati della Tobit contengono indicazioni importanti per orientare le scelte dei Governi. Dall’analisi effettuata emerge che la fiducia nelle leggi, la lotta di contrasto alla corruzione, l’efficacia del governo, la tutela dei diritti di proprietà, le condizioni socioeconomiche delle famiglie degli studenti OECD PISA, influenzano positivamente l’efficienza della spesa pubblica nei tre settori indagati. Oltre alla spending review, per aumentare l’efficienza e migliorare la performance della spesa pubblica nei tre settori, è indispensabile per gli Stati la capacità di realizzare delle riforme che siano in grado di garantire il corretto funzionamento delle istituzioni.