996 resultados para La Hire, Etienne de Vignolles, 1390-1443.
Resumo:
This paper aims to analyze the decision issued by the Constitutional Court for Transition within the unconstitutionality presented against the Mining Act. Proponents, in the main, formal allege unconstitutional by the Mining Law have been issued by the Committee on Legislation and Oversight (National Assembly during the Transitional Period after the adoption of the 2008 Constitution) without the prior execution of a legislative pre query, this query being a collective right of national, indigenous peoples and communities recognized in Article 57 paragraph 17 of the Constitution of the Republic. The Constitutional Court ruled Transition to reject the unconstitutionality confirming the constitutionality of the regulatory body and the substantial and non-formal pre-legislative consultation.
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Desde el año 2008, los países de la zona euro conocen una crisis muy profunda que no tiene visos de concluir. Las recientes decepciones de varios países del sur de Europa (España, Grecia y Chipre) podrían sugerir que esta crisis es el resultado de decisiones políticas no adecuadas o de la crisis financiera mundial. La idea principal de este artículo es que los fundamentos de la crisis actual de la zona euro son mucho más complejos que aquellos expuestos de forma cotidiana por la prensa e incluso por analistas económicos. En el caso del euro, los problemas ocurridos son resultado principalmente de una arquitectura monetaria y financiera incoherente e incompleta. El euro nació como una moneda única con deficiencias estructurales e institucionales que no han sido corregidas desde su creación e implementación.
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Colombian foreign policy has gone through important transformations in its formulation and implementation. Through a Neoclassical Realist (NCR) analysis, this article discusses the domestic and systemic factors that have influenced the Foreign Policy Executive (FPE) in Colombia. It makes a historical journey through different presidential terms, ranging from the loss of Panama in 1903, to the adverse decision of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2012, which stripped Bogotá of a significant portion of its Caribbean Sea. This analysis reveals problems in the formulation of Colombian foreign policy due to a weak foreign service, a complex relationship with the United States and the country’s internal conflict; it is argued that if these factors were to be reduced or disappear, a new form of foreign policy in the country would be facilitated in the twenty-first century.
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The ten years since the Olivos Protocol entered into force represent a milestone in Mercosur’s dispute-resolution system. In this sense, this paper aims to analyze the antecedents of the present system (Annex III of Asuncion Treaty and Brasilia Protocol), and evaluate the present conflict-resolution mechanisms, with special reference to the innovations introduced in this respect and disputes resolved under the Olivos Protocol. Finally, the article analyzes some of the possible paths that the dispute-resolution system might take in the future.
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Within the framework of post-liberal regionalist strategies that emerge and consolidate in the 21st century, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) represents one of the integrationist initiatives that attaches more importance to South-South Cooperation. The article argues, at the same time, that CELAC may become a future mechanism for regional governance due to its potential for integration, the advancement of political dialogue and diplomatic consensus as well as the promotion of development and international cooperation.
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The text shows the heterogeneous views of various Latin American countries, like Mexico, Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Colombia and Venezuela, in terms of their analyses of and studies about foreign policy. This paper aims to make clear the different images that China generates as a rising power in the world economy, particularly as a major trade partner of these countries. The goal of this article is to provide elements for analysis about policy coordination vis-àvis China. The central argument states that there should be coordination between regional integration strategies and foreign policies in relation to China. However, these heterogeneous visions can work against that goal as well.
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This paper analyzes the People’s Republic of China economic and political ascendance in the 21st century, focusing on the evolution of its sui géneris economic development model and its significance for the relationship between China and the developing countries of the peripheral ‘Global South.’ The objective of this article is to analyze the relationship between China and Latin America in the 21st century, characterizing it as a new Center-periphery global power network based on trade and investment, which is often referred to as the ‘Asian Consensus’. The article will give special attention to the Brazilian case.
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At present developing countries have found it necessary to set up integration mechanisms to remove barriers in order to promote trade. For this reason, countries have made efforts to encourage and develop local industries in order to offer attractive products to foreign markets and boost economic growth. In Latin America, the Andean Community (CAN) is one of the oldest integration process in Latin America. Ecuador, like other members of CAN, has had good results as a member of the CAN. Based on survey data this paper overviews some of the experiences, processes implemented, and commercialization efforts undertaken by manufacturing export companies in the manufacturing industrial sector (plastic, food and beverages) in the city of Guayaquil.
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Formando parte importante del conjunto de los países en vías de desarrollo, América Latina y el Caribe constituyen una fuerza relevante en el actual escenario internacional. Las nuevas circunstancias traen renovadas oportunidades de desarrollo para las relaciones sino-latinoamericanas y no-caribeñas. La elaboración por parte del Gobierno chino del Documento sobre la Política hacia América Latina y el Caribe tiene como propósito manifestar con mayor claridad los objetivos de la política china hacia la región, plantear los principios rectores de la cooperación en las diversas áreas durante un determinado período del futuro y promover el continuo desarrollo sano, estable e integral de las relaciones sino-latinoamericanas y sino-caribeñas.
Resumo:
Los Jefes de Estado y de Gobierno y los Representantes Especiales de Brasil, China, así como Costa Rica, Cuba, Ecuador, Antigua y Barbuda, también miembros del Cuarteto de CELAC – y Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Guyana, México, Paraguay, Perú, Surinam, Uruguay y Venezuela, realizamos una reunión en Brasilia, el 17 de julio de 2014, bajo el tema “Igualdad y Beneficio Mutuo, Cooperación Recíproca y Desarrollo Común”, emiten una declaración conjunta reconociendo que el mundo está experimentando por un proceso de globalización económica y cambio político y que nuestros países tienen un rol clave que desempeñar contribuyendo a la paz, la estabilidad, el crecimiento inclusivo y el desarrollo sostenible, la prosperidad y para la forja de un mundo multipolar.
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This contribution addresses the implications of the boundary demarcation on basin of Orinoco and Amazon, during the second half of the 18th Century, beginning with the study of the expedition of the boundary between Spain and Portugal. This enterprise ended up in a surprise of games of omission, unfortunate and personal confrontations. The undesired task for the Spanish Guayana, however, marked a radically change in the geostrategic valuing and paved way to a latter colonial modernity thanks to the initiative of its commissioners. In this way, an important part of the territorial integrity was preserved against the geographical desires of lustanas and stopped the trafficking of indigenous salves towards the Amazon region.
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During the 18th Century, the northeast of the Amazonian region, especially the jurisdiction of Quixos, was one of the most ignored regions of South America. Its dominions, dependents in part to the Real Audiencia of Quito, did not enjoy sufficient attention from the monarchial administration; therefore, the territorial domination and its natives did not take shape in absolute terms given the difficulties of indigenous resistance against strategies to slowly subordinate and eventually dismantle the Spanish politics of border territories.
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In the colonial period, the Spanish politics towards the American frontiers was oriented not only to recognition and military protection of the borders, but also to control trade in the regions. During the demarcation of the boundaries in the 18th Century, the smuggling in the borders degenerated in various conflicts between the Spanish and Portuguese authorities. However, illegal trade played an important role en la satisfaction of the provisions in the zone, making possible the establishment of local alliances. This article addresses these questions taking as object the study the border Luso-Spanish in the Amazon Valley, between captaincy of Negro River and the province of Maynas, 1780-1820.
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This article is a case study of the emergence of the intellectual in Spanish American: the trajectory of Alfonso Reyes. In Latin America modernity and the beginnings of the 20th Century contributed to circumstances and historical processes that permitted the 19th Century literates to progressively transform into intellectual: to be exact a ‘transitional intellectual’. This study looks at some of the dynamics that validated the intellectual as a new social actor during the period studied. The public visibility as it was never before, placed thinkers, and the use of means of communication of the time and the cultural elements like books and magazines, allowing that they be turned into public figures and to obtain some of their objectives.