Democracia e participação nas escolas públicas brasileiras: as possibilidades da eleição direta para gestores escolares

After a long period of military dictatorship, the Brazilian people, following the redemocratization in the late 1980s, experimented the possibility of electing their political representatives. This experience of democracy and citizenship included in the electoral process, now, appear as one of the main challenges to make the Brazilian public schools more democratic and participative, through the election of school managers. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the historical aspects of the process of electing representatives in Brazil and the possibilities of direct elections for school managers. At first recovering the struggle of the Brazilian society in search of an effective political participation and, subsequently, pointing out the limits and possibilities of the introduction of direct elections for school managers as a mechanism to consolidate a more democratic school.

Uma leitura vertiginosa: os fanzines punks no Brasil e o discurso da união e conscientização : (1981-1995)

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

Implicações nacionais da integração regional: as eleições diretas do Parlamento do Mercosul

The process of institutionalization of MERCOSUR in recent years has increased the weight of regional integration in the internal policies of the Member States. In the Brazilian case, the bill that regulates direct elections for the MERCOSUR Parliament (Parlasul) in 2014 is an example of this influence, because it includes aspects that are related to discussions on the reform of the Brazilian political system, generating intense debate and controversy within the Congress. This article discusses the possible impacts that its adoption will have on the conduct of political reform in Brazil, on the assumption that this project represents a spillover of political reform for Brazilian regional plan. We assume that its approval can become a test of political reform planned to perform at the regional changes still under discussion in the brazilian legislature. We remind that the decision and approval of the criteria for the Parlasul direct elections is a competence of each Member-State.

#naovaitercopa: manifestações, Copa do Mundo e as eleições de 2014

The article aims to recover the manifestations process of June 2013, in an attempt to understand the elements, which characterized it. It is intended to indicate how and why the main political consequences generated by the manifestations became its own possibility of a rematch in June 2014, during the hosting of the World Cup, organized by FIFA and the Brazilian government. It is suggested which may be the nature and extent of its impacts over the general election in this year. It is argued that the key issue is the ability of the State, the governments and their police in dealing with manifestations that have, relatively, new, persuasive, and violent ideas.

Eleições, mídia e memória: uma análise do jornal Folha de S. Paulo

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Religião, política e eleições na Folha Universal

The Folha Universal, newspaper produced by the Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (Iurd, abbreviation in Portuguese for Universal Church of the Kingdom of God), reaches an average weekly circulation from 2.5 to 3.5 million copies. Studies indicate that the Folha Universal is not merely an institutional newspaper. It is systematically dedicated to be a source of political information to their readers, in order to publicize candidates and politicians who defend the Iurd’s proposals for the Brazilian public life. This paper describes results of an empirical study on the frames built by the Folha Universal about the social demands, economic and political governance considered as priorities to the public management by the Iurd around five themes of analysis: public safety; children and adolescents care; public health; environment; politics and economy. The results indicate that, as characteristics of the Folha Universal in the four months prior to the 2010 Brazilian elections, aspects that differ from those indicated by previous studies on the newspaper. Previously detected in the pages of Folha Universal as a mean for finding solutions to social problems, the theology of prosperity was in our sample replaced by the formulation of public policies.

Inclusão e cidadania digital no Brasil: a (des) articulação das políticas públicas

The incipient but quickly expansion action on the Information and Communications Technologies (ICT) in Africa it is now just having different impact on these societies. One of these relates bear on how users are identified with these tools. Just like that we find individuals identify as bloggers, twitter followers or cyber activist. This contribution analyzes the Senegal’s fact where a successful use of social nets and web 2.0 tools experience (at least in repercussion) as social and political involvement while presidential elections in 2012 is tied to come back an identity: Cyber activist. Senegalese circumstance shows us how this identity has a personal and assertiveness dimension as well collective aspects of belonging to a community. One as much as the other, show us personal traits in contrast to previous beliefs, basically because it fuse and confuse virtual and reality. Due to dynamics from expanding technology, this identity is youthful and urban, but not only. This situation creates new dynamics at least in this affected group. For this reason, besides knowing emergence and evolution of this fact, it raises some of the involvement in social and political involvement from groups traditionally “invisible”. Beyond the new social behavior there are new changes in the rules of the game in order to start new social revolution.

O sistema político, partidário e eleitoral da República de Malta

This work is a study which deals with political, electoral and party features from the Republic of Malta. An interest that motivated the study is to understand how works the consolidated two-party system in the country, the cleavages which foster that features and the Maltese media groups alignment process to those prevailing political parties. Our goal is to identify the main factors which creates and maintain those features of a two-party model in Malta, and how much it overlaps the political and electoral models applied in the country. The analysis is mostly literature, also backing up data about the nation, on elections and political parties which allow enough stability for analysis and enables us an approach about the actual facts. The survey data and literature available is mainly in English, by the lack of academic papers on Malta in Brazilian Portuguese. Therefore, this work contributes as a small panorama of the Maltese political reality, which can serve as a point of comparison and reflection on other countries' realities, with a sharp bipolar political trend, strong social entrenchment of political parties, and media groups aligned to those

As percepções dos jovens estudantes de Londrina/PR sobre política

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

As coalizões de defesa e as mudanças na política externa comercial e energética dos Estados Unidos para o etanol em 2011

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Somente um deve vencer: as bases de recrutamento dos candidatos à Prefeitura das capitais brasileiras em 2008

Não é segredo para os estudiosos e é reconhecido pelos atores envolvidos no jogo político que o Prefeito desempenha importantes atividades, podendo influenciar o dia-a-dia da população, a relação com outras esferas de governo e as eleições gerais. Tomando como universo empírico os candidatos ao cargo de Prefeito das capitais brasileiras em 2008, procuramos identificar e analisar as bases de recrutamento desses concorrentes ao principal posto político do município. As interpretações correntes na literatura concentram-se sobre os vencedores da disputa eleitoral, deixando de lado os derrotados. O que os vencedores têm que os derrotados não têm? Seria o perfil dos vencedores diferente daquele encontrado no grupo dos derrotados? Com o propósito de oferecer uma contribuição aos estudos das bases de recrutamento dos membros pertencentes às elites locais, o texto está organizado em uma única seção, onde vamos discutir três dimensões: (i) gênero, faixa etária e naturalidade; (ii) nível de instrução, grupo profissional e mandato executivo e (iii) gastos com campanha e tamanho do patrimônio. Essas características podem ajudar a construir um perfil sociopolítico dos membros pertencentes aos grupos dos vencedores e dos derrotados nas eleições municipais de 2008 para o cargo de Prefeito das capitais brasileiras. Além disso, o estudo desses atributos pode indicar quais predominaram na disputa eleitoral, isto é, quais deles podem mostrar as características que circundam o processo seletivo dos integrantes do distinto grupo político.

Financiamento eleitoral, representação política e gênero: uma análise das eleições de 2006

Este artigo compara a arrecadação de campanha de mulheres e homens candidatos aos cargos de deputados federal e estadual no pleito de 2006, no Brasil. Com base em análise de dados desagregados por sexo a partir do banco estatístico do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral foi considerado se mulheres e homens têm arrecadações distintas de financiamento de campanha, e em que medida este pode constituir-se em um fator explicativo para o baixo desempenho eleitoral delas. Os dados evidenciam que as mulheres têm arrecadações de campanha significativamente menores que a dos homens, e que dada a alta correlação existente entre financiamento e sucesso eleitoral, este pode ser um dos elementos centrais para explicar o seu baixo desempenho eleitoral.

Ensino superior e voto: análise do comportamento eleitoral da comunidade uspiana em 2010

O objetivo deste artigo é apresentar os resultados de uma pesquisa eleitoral realizada nos Campi da USP-Capital pelo Centro de Estudos das Negociações Internacionais (CAENI) e pelo Instituto Júnior de Pesquisas Sociais (IJPS) durante o período de campanha do segundo turno da eleição presidencial de 2010. Discutimos o processo de amostragem e a implicação de pesquisar sobre um universo de pessoas mais escolarizadas e jovens do que a população total. Mostraremos que é mais fácil isolar um comportamento prospectivo nessas condições do que em uma amostra onde o universo é a população de eleitores inteira do país.

Democracy Reconsidered : Britain, France, Sweden, and the EU

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether some positions in democratic theory should be adjusted or abandoned in view of internationalisation; and if adjusted, how. More specifically it pursues three different aims: to evaluate various attempts to explain levels of democracy as consequences of internationalisation; to investigate whether the taking into account of internationalisation reveals any reason to reconsider what democracy is or means; and to suggest normative interpretations that cohere with the adjustments of conceptual and explanatory democratic theory made in the course of meeting the other two aims. When empirical methods are used, the scope of the study is restricted to West European parliamentary democracies and their international affairs. More particularly, the focus is on the making of budget policy in Britain, France, and Sweden after the Second World War, and recent budget policy in the European Union. The aspects of democracy empirically analysed are political autonomy, participation, and deliberation. The material considered includes parliamentary debates, official statistics, economic forecasts, elections manifestos, shadow budgets, general election turnouts, regulations of budget decision-making, and staff numbers in government and parliament budgetary divisions. The study reaches the following conclusions among others. (i) The fact that internationalisation increases the divergence between those who make and those who are affected by decisions is not by itself a democratic problem that calls for political reform. (ii) That international organisations may have authorities delegated to them from democratic states is not sufficient to justify them democratically. Democratisation still needs to be undertaken. (iii) The fear that internationalisation dissolves a social trust necessary for political deliberation within nations seems to be unwarranted. If anything, views argued by others in domestic budgetary debate are taken increasingly serious during internationalisation. (iv) The major difficulty with deliberation seems to be its inability to transcend national boundaries. International deliberation at state level has not evolved in response to internationalisation and it is undeveloped in international institutions. (v) Democratic political autonomy diminishes during internationalisation with regard to income redistribution and policy areas taken over by international organisations, but it seems to increase in public spending. (vi) In the area of budget policy-making there are no signs that governments gain power at the expense of parliaments during internationalisation. (vii) To identify crucial democratic issues in a time of internationalisation and to make room for theoretical virtues like general applicability and normative fruitfulness, democracy may be defined as a kind of politics where as many as possible decide as much as possible.

Territorio, participación ciudadana y nivel de confianza en las instituciones oficiales

[ES] Canarias es una de las regiones españolas que registra mayores niveles de abstención en las diferentes consultas electorales. Este comportamiento puede explicarse por razones de diverso tipo, pero sin duda, la falta de confianza en los cargos públicos electos y en las instituciones es uno de los factores de mayor peso. Con este fin, en la presente comunicación se expone resumidamente una reciente experiencia realizada en Canarias por el Grupo de Investigación en Geografía Social y Económica de la ULPGC consistente en situar las diferentes respuestas que dio una muestra de ciudadanos residentes en las Islas a una encuesta de opinión confeccionada al efecto sobre el grado de confianza que le inspiran las instituciones oficiales. A su vez, los opinantes fueron desagregados por islas, comarcas y municipios, poniéndose en evidencia la enorme pluralidad y complejidad que es capaz de albergar una sociedad moderna como la canaria.