Rethinking What is Necessary in a Democratic Society: Militant Democracy and the Turkish State

Questions relating to contemporary understandings of democracy continue to preoccupy the academic landscape, from politics to law—how does one define democracy; is it necessary to recalibrate the concept of democracy to meet the exigencies of the current global security "crisis" and, following from this, how does one understand (and control) the democratic relationship of representation and accountability between citizen and state? Although those writing on the recalibration of democratic theory come from different points of departure, they often arrive at a similar conclusion; namely that this global era poses significant challenges to contemporary understandings of democracy. This article identifies and focuses on one challenge posed by the concept of “militant” democracy against the backdrop of the Turkish case.

Deliberative democracy and the Tasmanian forest peace process

A Better Place to Be: Republicanism as an Alternative to the Authoritarianism-Democracy Dichotomy

ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation: A BETTER PLACE TO BE: REPUBLICANISM AS AN ALTENATIVE TO THE AUTHORITARIANISM-DEMOCRACY DICHOTOMY Christopher Ronald Binetti, Doctor of Philosophy, and 2016 Dissertation directed by: Dr. Charled Frederick Alford, Department of Government and Politics In this dissertation, I argue that in modern or ancient regimes, the simple dichotomy between democracies and autocracies/dictatorships is both factually wrong and problematic for policy purposes. It is factually wrong because regimes between the two opposite regime types exist and it is problematic because the either/or dichotomy leads to extreme thinking in terms of nation-building in places like Afghanistan. In planning for Afghanistan, the argument is that either we can quickly nation-build it into a liberal democracy or else we must leave it in the hands of a despotic dictator. This is a false choice created by both a faulty categorization of regime types and most importantly, a failure to understand history. History shows us that the republic is a regime type that defies the authoritarian-democracy dichotomy. A republic by my definition is a non-dominating regime, characterized by a (relative) lack of domination by any one interest group or actor, mostly non-violent competition for power among various interest groups/factions, the ability of factions/interest groups/individual actors to continue to legitimately play the political game even after electoral or issue-area defeat and some measure of effectiveness. Thus, a republic is a system of government that has institutions, laws, norms, attitudes, and beliefs that minimize the violation of the rule of law and monopolization of power by one individual or group as much as possible. These norms, laws, attitudes, and beliefs ae essential to the republican system in that they make those institutions that check and balance power work. My four cases are Assyria, Persia, Venice and Florence. Assyria and Persia are ancient regimes, the first was a republic and then became the frightening opposite of a republic, while the latter was a good republic for a long time, but had effectiveness issues towards the end. Venice is a classical example of a medieval or early modern republic, which was very inspirational to Madison and others in building republican America. Florence is the example of a medieval republic that fell to despotism, as immortalized by Machiavelli’s writings. In all of these examples, I test certain alternative hypotheses as well as my own.

Economics for Substantive Democracy

In this paper, I sustain that the discourse of economics has become one of the most substantial contributors to the erosion of the democratic ideal. The first argument used in this case against economics concerns its attempt to be considered a neo- naturalistic science; the second, the fact that economics considers democracy contradictory to the expression of its scientific rationality and; the third, the fact that economics crowds out people from decision-making processes by pushing them into the hands of experts. Because partisan political programmes have essentially become economic programmes, economics should contribute to substantive democracy. In order to do so, an alternative discourse to mainstream economics must be proposed. An economics favourable to substantive democracy should, thereby, be political rather than naturalistic, pluralist rather than monist and, instead of crowding out people from decisions processes, should aim at the co-production of economic knowledge with those concerned by the outcome of economic decisions.

Islam, democracy, diversity : some reflections on the arabe popular uprisings

A chamada «Primavera Árabe» surgiu como uma enorme surpresa para a maioria dos observadores e académicos e, apesar dos seus resultados finais ainda serem desconhecidos, o «mundo árabe» não voltará a ser o mesmo. Estas revoltas populares árabes não foram previstas, mas eram realmente imprevisíveis? Seja qual for a resposta, as mudanças que ocorreram na Tunísia, Egito, Líbia, para não falar no Bahrein, Marrocos ou na Síria, mostram claramente que os regimes autoritários não eram - como as democracias ocidentais que os apoiaram fizeram crer - a melhor e única alternativa ao islamismo. Além disso estas revoltas enfatizaram as profundas mudanças sociais que resultaram no surgimento de novos atores, principalmente mulheres e jovens que estiveram na linha da frente. Embora o islamismo tenha dizimado a ideia de uma exceção democrática árabe, a regulação democrática do pluralismo cultural parece ser um dos desafios mais cruciais ao futuro do «mundo árabe».

Changing attitudes towards immigration and democracy in South Korea

If democracy belongs to 'the people', an important test of any democratic society is its treatment of non-citizens, new citizens and others who do not enjoy full civic rights. At times of economic and social upheaval, even societies where democracy is well established may witness anti-immigrant sentiment. This paper analyses how newcomers in South Korea are perceived as workers, neighbours and citizens. These modes of integration imply different degrees of commitment on the part of the host society to the acceptance of new citizens or residents, and thus to democracy. The paper finds that there is some overlap between public opinion and official immigration policy, in that both exhibit a ‘hierarchy of citizenship’, but public opinion is not monolithic. South Koreans prefer some immigrants over others, but seem open to the notion that the boundaries of the political community can and do change over time.

Democracy, governance and political parties in India: an introduction

The party political domain of India is replete with a large number of parties representing the tapestry of Indian society. Many of them are based in specific regions and states, built around social and linguistic identities. While this enhanced the representative character of the parties, it also contributed to varied patterns of political competition and unstable governments. The two major national parties – the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party – becoming coalitionable heralded an era of coalition governments both at the Centre and states, enabling parties to increase their power and their pay-offs. Parties across the political spectrum have tended to converge on macro-economic policy, but continue to diverge on social policies and larger issues that confront India, such as nation building and secularism. Chronic lack of internal democracy coupled with the rise of political corruption and clientelist practices are matters of serious concern. A broader view of governance, resisting temptations to concentrate power and pursue personal enrichment, would enable parties to deliver policies for a better, more just society.

Civil society, democracy and the state in South Korea: a critical dialogue

This review will discuss Hun Joon Kim’s important work on political dissent in the Republic of Korea, The Massacres at Mt. Halla: sixty years of truth-seeking in South Korea (Massacres at Mt. Halla). This book tells the story of the six-decade-long grassroots campaign to establish a truth commission into the events around Jeju 4.3: a series of counterinsurgency actions against armed uprisings that resulted in the large-scale massacre of civilians as well as other atrocities. Political activism looms large in South Korea’s modern political history, making a major contribution to the evolution of democracy in that country. For decades, the main game, and the focus of most academic scholarship, was the establishment of full participatory democracy in the country. Yet, behind the scenes and on the peripheries, many lower profile battles have been fought and the fate of these struggles is in some ways the real test of democracy in South Korea (Republic of Korea or ROK). Drawing together a broad range of primary documentary and interview material, Massacres at Mt. Halla makes a number of important contributions to audiences in Korean Studies, International Relations, and transitional justice. Kim brings to English speakers an unprecedented insight into the uprising, counterinsurgency operations, and activist efforts to bring this chapter of South Korean history to light. Careful archival research is supplemented with detailed personal interview data, the majority of which is in the Korean language and thus previously inaccessible to a wider audience. The value here lies with a detailed narrative that traces grassroots activism from the days of authoritarian government through the varied challenges of a newly democratic nation. In its telling, this story illuminates the ways in which local activism can be derailed or suppressed in a tight security environment. In this case, the backdrop was a political environment strictly managed by the state on the grounds of a fervent anti-communist policy. Anti-communism was in fact the only state-sanctioned ideology, one which had the backing of the ROK’s powerful US military ally. As Kim’s research demonstrates in a clear way, any activism that could be perceived to deviate from this ideology was harshly dealt with. The dawn of progressive government in South Korea in 1997 brought an end to explicit ‘red-baiting’,1 as it was known, but did not overturn altogether the rigid anti-communist structures that had accompanied the development of the modern South Korean state. In the following discussion, I first provide a brief introduction to Kim’s book before focusing my attention in on what Massacres at Mt. Halla tells us about this interaction between national security discourse and civil society activism.

Democracy, liberty and the prerogative: the displacement of inherent executive power by statute

This article analyses arguments that the prerogative should be readily displaced by statute, where a statute deals with a subject matter similar to a prerogative. It does so by examining the leading cases on displacement of the prerogative in the United Kingdom and the Australian states, and displacement of the Australian Commonwealth's inherent executive power. The cases do not adopt a single rule but the question of whether a statute will be taken to displace a prerogative is highly dependent of the facts and the provisions of the particular staute.This article defends the current approach to displacement, for three reasons. First, the courts do not allow governments to subvert or ignore statutes by using the prerogative. Secondly, the courts have almost always decided in favour of liberty and against the conferral of coercive powers on government. Thirdly, a single rule could not do justice to all the variables involved in displacement cases. Ordinary principles of statutory interpretation are sufficient to deal with questions of displacement.

Understanding e-democracy: government-led initiatives for democratic reform

Information and communication technologies (ICTs) offer opportunities for greater civic participation in democratic reform. Government ICT use has, however, predominantly been associated with e-government applications that focus on one-way information provision and service delivery. This article distinguishes between e-government and processes of edemocracy, which facilitate active civic engagement through two-way, ongoing dialogue. It draws from participation initiatives undertaken in two case studies. The first highlights efforts to increase youth political engagement in the local government area of Milton Keynes in the United Kingdom. The second is Iceland’s constitutional crowdsourcing, an initiative intended to increase civic input into constitutional reform. These examples illustrate that, in order to maintain legitimacy in the networked environment, a change in governmental culture is required to enable open and responsive e-democracy practices. When coupled with traditional participation methods, processes of e-democracy facilitate widespread opportunities for civic involvement and indicate that digital practices should not be separated from the everyday operations of government. While online democratic engagement is a slowly evolving process, initial steps are being undertaken by governments that enable e-participation to shape democratic reform.