909 resultados para parliamentary committees


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Tutkimus ”Ilmarisen Suomi” ja sen tekijät tarjoaa uutta tietoa ja historiallisen tulkinnan huipputeknologisen Suomen rakentamisesta sodanjälkeisenä aikana. Kirja kertoo ESKO-tietokoneen tekijöiden monipuolisesta toiminnasta sekä koneen kohtalosta 1950-luvulla. ESKOa rakennuttanut Matematiikkakonekomitea (1954­1960) suunnitteli laitteesta Suomen ensimmäistä tietokonetta, mutta kirjassa esitetyn tulkinnan mukaan komitealla oli myös laajempia, kansallisia ihanteita ja tavoitteita, kuten kansallisen keskuslaskutoimiston perustaminen. Varhaisia tietokoneita kutsuttiin niiden käyttöä kuvaavasti matematiikkakoneiksi. Kirja on ensimmäinen perusteellinen esitys ja samalla ensimmäinen tutkimus ESKOsta ja sen tekijöiden hankkeesta 1950-luvulla. Matematiikkakonekomitean johdossa toimivat aikansa huipputiedemiehet Rolf Nevanlinna ja Erkki Laurila. Väitöstutkimuksessa kysytään, miten maan ensimmäisen tietokoneen hankkimista perusteltiin, mitä Matematiikkakonekomitea oikeastaan teki ja millaisia erityisesti kansallisia motiiveja koneen tekijöiden toiminta ilmaisi. Tutkimuksessa käytetään monipuolisesti arkistoaineistoa, kirjallisuutta ja haastatteluja Suomesta, Saksasta ja Ruotsista. Tarkastelussa hyödynnetään erityisesti teknologian historian ja yhteiskuntatieteellisen tieteen- ja teknologiantutkimuksen tutkimuskirjallisuutta. Kirjassa tarkastellaan yksityiskohtaisesti sitä, miten ESKOn tekijät yhdistivät tekniikan ja kansalliset perustelut sekä rakensivat uudenlaista, teknisesti taitavaa ”Ilmarisen Suomea” yhdessä ja kilvan muiden tahojen kanssa tuottaen teknologiasta kansallista projektia suomalaisille. Matematiikkakonekomitean ja ESKO-hankkeen tutkimisen perusteella suomalaisten ja teknologian suhteesta voidaan sanoa, että tekniikasta ei vain tullut kansallinen asia suomalaisille, vaan tekniikasta nimenomaan tehtiin kansallinen projekti, joka ei suinkaan ollut erityisen yksimielinen edes sodanjälkeisenä aikana. Tutkimuksen mukaan kotimainen komitea sai paljon aikaan ja tuotti vielä merkittävämpiä seurauksia. Näin siitä huolimatta, että ESKO valmistui pahasti myöhässä, vuonna 1960. Komitea myötävaikutti niin IBM:n menestykseen Suomessa, valtiojohtoisen tiedepolitiikan alkuun kuin Nokian edeltäjän Kaapelitehtaan elektroniikkaosaamisen syntyyn.

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This thesis consists of four articles and an introductory section. The main research questions in all the articles are about proportionality and party success in Europe, at European, national or district levels. Proportionality in this thesis denotes the proximity of seat shares parties receive compared to their respective vote shares, after the electoral system’s allocation process. This proportionality can be measured through numerous indices that illustrate either the overall proportionality of an electoral system or a particular election. The correspondence of a single party’s seat shares to its vote shares can also be measured. The overall proportionality is essential in three of the articles (1, 2 and 4), where the system’s performance is studied by means of plots. In article 3, minority party success is measured by advantage-ratios that reveal single party’s winnings or losses in the votes to seat allocation process. The first article asks how proportional are the European parliamentary (EP) electoral systems, how do they compare with results gained from earlier studies and how do the EP electoral systems treat different sized parties. The reasons for different outcomes are looked for in explanations given by traditional electoral studies i.e. electoral system variables. The countries studied (EU15) apply electoral systems that vary in many important aspects, even though a certain amount of uniformity has been aspired to for decades. Since the electoral systems of the EP elections closely resemble the national elections, the same kinds of profiles emerge as in the national elections. The electoral systems indeed treat the parties differentially and six different profile types can be found. The counting method seems to somewhat determine the profile group, but the strongest variables determining the shape of a countries’ profile appears to be the average district magnitude and number of seats allocated to each country. The second article also focuses on overall proportionality performance of an electoral system, but here the focus is on the impact of electoral system changes. I have developed a new method of visualizing some previously used indices and some new indices for this purpose. The aim is to draw a comparable picture of these electoral systems’ changes and their effects. The cases, which illustrate this method, are four elections systems, where a change has occurred in one of the system variables, while the rest remained unchanged. The studied cases include the French, Greek and British European parliamentary systems and the Swedish national parliamentary system. The changed variables are electoral type (plurality changed to PR in the UK), magnitude (France splitting the nationwide district into eight smaller districts), legal threshold (Greece introducing a three percent threshold) and counting method (d’Hondt was changed to modified Sainte-Laguë in Sweden). The radar plots from elections after and before the changes are drawn for all country cases. When quantifying the change, the change in the plots area that is created has also been calculated. Using these radar plots we can observe that the change in electoral system type, magnitude, and also to some extent legal threshold had an effect on overall proportionality and accessibility for small parties, while the change between the two highest averages counting method had none. The third article studies the success minority parties have had in nine electoral systems in European heterogeneous countries. This article aims to add more motivation as to why we should care how different sized parties are treated by the electoral systems. Since many of the parties that aspire to represent minorities in European countries are small, the possibilities for small parties are highlighted. The theory of consociational (or power-sharing) democracy suggests that, in heterogeneous societies, a proportional electoral system will provide the fairest treatment of minority parties. The OSCE Lund Recommendations propose a number of electoral system features, which would improve minority representation. In this article some party variables, namely the unity of the minority parties and the geographical concentration of the minorities were included among possible explanations. The conclusions are that the central points affecting minority success were indeed these non-electoral system variables rather than the electoral system itself. Moreover, the size of the party was a major factor governing success in all the systems investigated; large parties benefited in all the studied electoral systems. In the fourth article the proportionality profiles are again applied, but this time to district level results in Finnish parliamentary elections. The level of proportionality distortion is also studied by way of indices. The average magnitudes during the studied periodrange from 7.5 to 26.2 in the Finnish electoral districts and this opens up unequal opportunities for parties in different districts and affects the shape of the profiles. The intra-country case allows the focus to be placed on the effect of district magnitude, since all other electoral systems are kept constant in an intra-country study. The time span in the study is from 1962 to 2007, i.e. the time that the districts have largely been the same geographically. The plots and indices tell the same story, district magnitude and electoral alliances matter. The district magnitude is connected to the overall proportionality of the electoral districts according to both indices, and the profiles are, as expected, also closer to perfect proportionality in large districts. Alliances have helped some small parties to gain a much higher seat share than their respective vote share and these successes affect some of the profiles. The profiles also show a consistent pattern of benefits for the small parties who ally with the larger parties.

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OBJECTIVES: To investigate the frequency of interim analyses, stopping rules, and data safety and monitoring boards (DSMBs) in protocols of randomized controlled trials (RCTs); to examine these features across different reasons for trial discontinuation; and to identify discrepancies in reporting between protocols and publications. STUDY DESIGN AND SETTING: We used data from a cohort of RCT protocols approved between 2000 and 2003 by six research ethics committees in Switzerland, Germany, and Canada. RESULTS: Of 894 RCT protocols, 289 prespecified interim analyses (32.3%), 153 stopping rules (17.1%), and 257 DSMBs (28.7%). Overall, 249 of 894 RCTs (27.9%) were prematurely discontinued; mostly due to reasons such as poor recruitment, administrative reasons, or unexpected harm. Forty-six of 249 RCTs (18.4%) were discontinued due to early benefit or futility; of those, 37 (80.4%) were stopped outside a formal interim analysis or stopping rule. Of 515 published RCTs, there were discrepancies between protocols and publications for interim analyses (21.1%), stopping rules (14.4%), and DSMBs (19.6%). CONCLUSION: Two-thirds of RCT protocols did not consider interim analyses, stopping rules, or DSMBs. Most RCTs discontinued for early benefit or futility were stopped without a prespecified mechanism. When assessing trial manuscripts, journals should require access to the protocol.

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The book adopts a unique stakeholder perspective, structured around the groups and individuals who have an interest in and co-create sports events, including organising committees, promoters, sport organisations, spectators, community groups, sponsors, host governments, the media and NGOs. Each chapter addresses a specific stakeholder, defines that stakeholder and its relationships with sports events, describes the managerial requirements for a successful event, assesses current research and directions for future research, and outlines the normative dimensions of stakeholder engagement (such as sustainability and legacy)

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Female gender and low income are two markers for groups that have been historically disadvantaged within most societies. The study explores two research questions related to their political representation: 1) Are parties ideologically biased towards the ideological preferences of male and rich citizens? 2) Does the proportionality of the electoral system moderate the degree of underrepresentation of women and poor citizens in the party system? A multilevel analysis of survey data from 24 parliamentary democracies indicates that there is some bias against those with low income and, at a much smaller rate, women. This has systemic consequences for the quality of representation, as the preferences of the complementary groups differ. The proportionality of the electoral system influences the degree of underrepresentation: specifically, larger district magnitudes help closing the considerable gap between rich and poor.

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Spain"s newspapers are characterised by strong partisan identities. We demonstrate that the two leading newspapers nonetheless show powerful similarities in the topics of their coverage over time. The media system is strongly related to the policy process and it shows similar levels of skew (attention focuses on just a few topics) and friction (attention lurches rapidly from topic to topic) as others have shown for policy processes more generally. Further, media attention is significantly related to parliamentary activities. Oral questions in parliament track closely with media attention over time. Our assessment is based on a comprehensive database of all front-page stories (over 95,000 stories) in El Paı´s and El Mundo, Spain"s largest daily newspapers, and all 7,446 oral questions from 1996 to 2009. The paper shows that explanations of friction and skew in governmental activities should incorporate media dynamics as well. Political leaders are clearly sensitive to media salience.

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Abstract: Styles of parliamentary speech in plenary sessions of the Parliament of Finland

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Pro gradu- tutkielma tehdään Lappeenrannan kaupungin tarkastuslautakunnan toimeksiannosta. Tutkimuksen kohteena on Lappeenrannan kaupungin neljä lautakuntaa. Tutkimuksen tarkoituksena on arvioida näiden lautakuntien toimintaa. Tutkimuksessa selvitetään, tekevätkö lautakunnat sitä työtä mitä niiden tulisi tehdä ja mitä niiden odotetaan tekevän. Varsinainen tutkimusongelma on: kuinka hyvin lautakunnan ja virkamiesjohdon väliset odotukset lautakuntien toiminnasta kohtaavat? Kyseessä on kvalitatiivinen casetutkimus. Haastatteluissa käytetään tutkimusmenetelmänä teemahaastattelua ja lautakuntien jäsenille tehdään kirjallinen kysely puolistrukturoidun kyselyn muodossa. Aineisto analysoidaan teemoittelemalla. Tutkimuksen johtopäätöksenä esitetään, että virkamiesjohdon, lautakuntien puheenjohtajien ja lautakunnan odotukset lautakuntien toimintaa kohtaan eivät aina kohtaa. Lautakunnan puheenjohtaja ja toimialajohtaja voivat olla odotuksissaan hyvin samoilla linjoilla, mutta lautakunnan jäsenet voivatkin odottaa aivan eri asioita.

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Drawing on a database for 1988-2006 containing information on 157 countries, we investigate the effects on military spending of government form, electoral rules, concentration of parliamentary parties, and ideology. From an OLS regression on pooled data, our results show that presidential democracies spend more than parliamentary systems on defense, whereas the presence of a plurality voting system will reduce the defense burden. Our findings suggest that, in contrast to theoretical predictions in the literature, institutions do not have the same impact on the provision of all public goods. We present as well evidence regarding the effect of ideology on defense spending.

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This paper analyzes the effects of parliamentary representation on road infrastructure expenditure during the Spanish Restoration. Using a panel dataset of Spanish provinces in 1880-1914 we find that the allocation of administrative resources among provinces depended both on the delegation characteristics (such as the share of MPs with party leadership positions, and their degree of electoral independence), and the regime"s global search for stability. These results point to the importance of electoral dynamics within semi-democratic political systems, and offer an example of the influence of government tactics on infrastructure allocation.

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This paper analyzes the effects of parliamentary representation on road infrastructure expenditure during the Spanish Restoration. Using a panel dataset of Spanish provinces in 1880-1914 we find that the allocation of administrative resources among provinces depended both on the delegation characteristics (such as the share of MPs with party leadership positions, and their degree of electoral independence), and the regime"s global search for stability. These results point to the importance of electoral dynamics within semi-democratic political systems, and offer an example of the influence of government tactics on infrastructure allocation.

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Tässä johtaminen ja organisaatiot –oppialaan kuuluvassa väitöstutkimuksessa selvitetään luottamushenkilöarvioinnin merkitystä kunnan johtamisessa ja päätöksenteossa. Tutkimuksessa kuvataan luottamushenkilöiden tekemää kunnan talouden ja hallinnon arviointia ja sen merkitystä kunnan johtamisen ja päätöksenteon palautemekanismina. Empiirisen haastatteluaineiston avulla kuvataan eteläkarjalaisten tarkastuslautakuntien toimintaa ja niiden puheenjohtajina toimineiden henkilöiden kokemuksia tarkastuslautakuntien olemassaolon kahdella ensimmäisellä valtuustokaudella 1997–2000 ja 2001–2004. Tutkimus kohdistuu julkiselle sektorille, kuntien poliittis-hallinnolliseen päätöksentekoon. Tarkastuslautakuntien synnyn taustalla ymmärretään vaikuttavan yleisenä viitekehyksenä erityisesti New Public Managementin (NPM) eli uuden julkisjohtamisen ilmaisemat ajatukset mm. toimintojen tehokkuudesta, tuloksellisuudesta ja vaikuttavuudesta sekä arvioinnista osana päätöksentekoa. Tutkimuksessa hyödynnetään kehysteoriana uuden julkisjohtamisen doktriinia ja substanssiteoriana arviointiin ja arviointitutkimukseen liittyvää teoreettista tietovarantoa. Tutkimuksen ensisijainen empiirinen aineisto koostuu 16 tarkastuslautakunnan puheenjohtajan haastattelusta, jotka on analysoitu sisällönanalyysiä käyttäen. Tausta-aineistona on käytetty 112 tarkastuslautakuntien arviointikertomusta. Tutkimus on ensimmäinen väitöskirjatasoinen työ tältä aihealueelta. Työn keskeinen kontribuutio on tutkimuksessa esitettävä näkemys luottamushenkilöarvioinnista ja sen merkityksestä kunnan johtamisessa arviointitutkimuksen, uuden julkisjohtamisen ja tarkastuslautakunnista tähän mennessä tehtyjen tutkimusten sekä empiirisen haastattelututkimuksen pohjalta. Luottamushenkilöarvioinnin painopisteen nähdään siirtyneen tarkastuslautakunnan lainmukaisen tehtävänannon eli valtuuston asettamien taloudellisten ja toiminnallisten tavoitteiden toteutumisen arvioinnista kunnan toiminnan kehittämiseen, jolloin sillä on konkreettisemmin päätöksentekoa tukeva merkitys. Taaksepäin suuntautunutta arviointia ei koeta kovinkaan merkitykselliseksi, vaikka virheistä oppimisen näkökulmasta ja päätöksenteon palautemekanismina myös ex post –arviointi on tärkeää. Tutkimuksessa on sovellettu poikkitieteellistä lähestymistapaa organisaatiotutkimuksen ja uuden julkisjohtamisen, arviointitutkimuksen sekä kuntatutkimuksen näkökulmia yhteen sovittamalla. Tutkimuksessa esitetään väite, että tarkastuslautakuntia kahlitsee niiden voimakas yhteys ja perustuminen tilintarkastukseen. Tarkastuslautakuntien arviointi ei ole kehittynyt omaehtoisesti ja luottamushenkilöarvioinnin merkitys on vielä osin tunnistamatta eritoten johtamisen itsensä arvioinnin näkökulmasta.

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The purpose of this article is to offer a practical approach to the new European dimension for regional parliaments signified by the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. The parliamentary scrutiny of subsidiarity by way of the early warning system has assigned a new mission to legislative assemblies with the aim of reinforcing the intervention of regions in the drafting of policies by Union institutions. In the Spanish case, the institutionalisation of this mechanism came about with Act nº 24/2009, which attributes to the Joint Committee for the European Union, in the name of the Cortes Generales [the Spanish Parliament], the function of receiving the proposals for legislative acts by the EU and transferring them to the regional parliaments in order for the latter to issue, in a brief period of four weeks, a report on compliance with the principle of subsidiarity. The majority of regional parliaments have also carried out normative reforms to regulate the procedure of participation in the early warning system.

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Succestul players of the university game? A study about the short duration of master’s degree studies and graduating at a young age The duration of studies has long been a topic of conversation. It was first mentioned in 1883, but the discussion has been quite active and topical for the last fifty years. During that time, there have been numerous committees, working groups for the Ministry of Education, and revisions to the structure of the master’s degree program. All of these have focused on lowering the duration of studies as well as the age at which students graduate. These two factors have been regarded as indicators of efficiency. Achieving these goals is seen to promote the successful transition from studies to work. In addition, the greater time that people spend working is thought to help with the fiscal burden of an aging population. The reasons for prolonged study seem to be: students working during the course of their studies; the actual workload of the studies, which sometimes does not correlate with the calculated workload; problems with the students’ course selections and with their financial support from the government; issues in teaching; and problems with university funding. This study focuses on students’ study experiences, their progress, and the university itself. Of particular interest was the students’ use of different resources—cultural, social, and economical capital. Participants in the study had graduated from the University of Turku between the years of 1999 and 2001 and were divided into two groups: prompt graduates, those who graduated among the fastest 18th percent in their faculty; and those who graduated at a slower pace. A survey (N=499) and interviews (N=69) were among the methods used, along with a compilation of statistics on the students’ duration of studies, the number of modules studied, and marks obtained. Bourdieu’s theory about fields and the games people play in those fields formed the theoretical background of this study. The university was seen to form a playing field with historically and politically changeable rules. The students playing in this field were considered to possess different economical, social, and cultural resources, which they use more or less successfully. Some of the strategies used by students result in gra¬duating at a young age and/or a short duration of study; some do not. This study divided the age of graduation and the duration of study into separate games. This allowed the study to determine the relationship between these two factors and to examine their similarities and differences. The study also focused on the idea of success. Short duration of studies and a young graduation age can be considered, be some, an indication of success in navigating the university field. This study aimed to see if this concept held true or whether these seeming indicators of success have negative side effects. The main result of this study is that, even though the games of duration and age have similarities, they are sufficiently diverse to be considered separate games, which need different resources. To graduate with a short duration of studies, it is important for a student to successfully view and navigate the university field, tailoring one’s studies and extracurricular activities to suit the individual. In the game of youth, the background of the student seemed to be of greater importance. The youngest graduates had spent more time with their parents, who also had higher educational qualifications. They also had higher achievement in their previous studies. This seems to indicate that their background allowed them to assimilate a better understanding of the school and university fields and that playing the university game was natural for them. As for the aspect of success, it seems that there are many ways to define the term. Youth on graduation and short duration of studies can be seen as two indicators of success. Both revealed negative and positive outcomes, even though short duration of studies seemed more often to be connected with positive outcomes. However, it seems that the best indicator for success is the way in which students organize study into their lives to support and suit their needs and abilities to realize a meaningful life and a successful entry into the field of work.

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Military conscription and peacetime military service were the subjects of heated political, social and cultural controversies during the early years of national independence in Finland. Both the critics and the supporters of the existing military system described it as strongly formative of young men’s physical and moral development into adult men and male citizens. The conflicts over conscription prompted the contemporaries to express their notions about what Finnish men were like, at their best and at their worst, and what should and could be done about it. This thesis studies military conscription as an arena for the “making of manhood” in peacetime Finnish society, 1918–1939. It examines a range of public images of conscripted soldiering, asking how soldiering was depicted and given gendered meanings in parliamentary debates, war hero myths, texts concerned with the military and civic education of conscripts, as well as in works of fiction and reminiscences about military training as a personal experience. Studying conscription with a focus on masculinity, the thesis explores the different cultural images of manliness, soldiering and male citizenship on offer in Finnish society. It investigates how political parties, officers, educators, journalists, writers and “ordinary” conscripts used and developed, embraced or rejected these notions, according to their political purposes or personal needs. The period between the two world wars can be described as a fast-forward into military modernity in Finland. In the process, European middle class gender ideologies clashed with Finnish agrarian masculinities. Nationalistic agendas for the militarisation of Finnish manhood stumbled against intense class conflicts and ideological resistance. Military propaganda used images of military heroism, civic virtue and individual success to persuade the conscripts into ways of thinking and acting that were shaped by bourgeois mentality, nationalistic ideology and religious morality. These images are further analysed as expressive of the personal experiences and emotions of their middle-aged, male authors. The efforts of these military educators were, however, actively resisted on many fronts, ranging from rural working class masculinities among the conscripted young men to ideological critiques of the standing army system in parliament. In narratives about military training, masculinity was depicted as both strengthened and contradicted by the harsh and even brutal practices of interwar Finnish military training. The study represents a combination of new military history and the historical study of men and masculinities. It approaches masculinity as a contested and highly political form of social and cultural knowledge that is actively and selectively used by historic actors. Instead of trying to identify a dominant or “hegemonic” form of masculinity within a pre-determined theoretical structure, this study examines how the meanings ascribed to manhood varied according to class, age, political ideology and social situation. The interwar period in Finland can be understood as a period of contest between different notions of militarised masculinity, yet to judge by the materials studied, there was no clear winning party in that contest. A gradual movement from an atmosphere of conflict surrounding conscription towards political and cultural compromises can be discerned, yet this convergence was incomplete and many division lines remained.