993 resultados para criminal groups


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In this article the authors discuss the usefulness of focus groups for researching sensitive issues using evidence from a study examining the experiences of nurses providing care in the context of the Northern Ireland Troubles. They conducted three group interviews with nurses during which they asked about the issues the nurses face(d) in providing nursing care amid enduring social division. Through a discursive analysis of within-group interaction, they demonstrate how participants employ a range of interpretive resources, the effect of which is to prioritize particular knowledge concerning the nature of nursing care. The identification of such patterned activity highlights the ethnographic value of focus groups to reveal social conventions guiding the production of accounts but also suggests that accounts cannot be divorced from the circumstances of their production. Consequently, the authors argue that focus groups should be considered most useful for illuminating locally sanctioned ways of talking about sensitive issues.

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Several studies have sought to link punitive public attitudes to attribution style and/or lay theories of crime. This research finds that those who believe criminal acts are the result of freely chosen and willful behavior are more likely to be punitive than those who feel crime is the result of external circumstances and constraints. These analyses focus on only one dimension of attributions: locus of control (internal/external). In this analysis, we include a second dimension, thought to be a better predictor of attitudes in social psychological research: stability/instability. In addition to measuring lay theories of crime causation, we also test for “belief in redeemability” (or beliefs about the ability of deviants to change their ways). Our hypothesis is that this other dimension of personal attributions (stability/instability) may be as critical in explaining support for highly punitive criminal justice policies as beliefs about criminal responsibility. We find evidence supportive of this model in an analysis of data from postal survey of residents of six areas in England.

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New ionic liquid crystals (including ionic metallomesogens) based oil the pyrrolidinium core are presented. N-Methylpyrrolidine was quaternized with different mesogenic groups connected to a flexible, omega-bromosubstituted alkyl spacer. The length of the flexible alkyl spacer between the cationic head group and the rigid mesogenic group was varied. The substituted pyrrolidinium cations were combined with bromide, bis(trifluoromethylsulfonyl)imide, tetrakis (2-thenoyltrifluoroacetonato)europate(III), and tetrabromouranyl anions. The influence of the type of mesogenic unit, the lengths of the flexible spacer and terminal alkyl chain, the size of the mesogenic group, and the type of anion oil the thermotropic mesomorphic behavior was investigated. Furthermore, the phase behavior was thoroughly compared with the previously reported mesomorphism of N-alkyl-N-methylpyrrolidinium salts. Low-ordered smectic A phases of the de Vries type, smectic C phases, higher-ordered smectic F/I phases, as well its crystal smectic phases (E and G, J, H, or K) were observed and investigated by polarizing optical microscopy, differential scanning calorimetry, and powder X-ray diffraction.

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The process of divorce as a family change process including outcomes and consequences has received considerable research attention in the western context. However, the experience of divorce for children within specific ethnic contexts has been rather limited leading to poor planning and practice provision with diverse families. By drawing upon an empirical qualitative study of British Indian adult children, this paper will make a case for recognising diverse needs within specific historical, socio-cultural and developmental contexts. There is a need to acknowledge these contexts in policy design to establish practice that is flexible, accessible and relevant to the needs of different and diverse communities. Results indicate that areas of impact may be similar to those identified by other studies within the literature review. However, the experiences, expressions, implications and larger consequences of impact are located within specific socio-cultural contexts. In support of this, major findings of the study (outlined below) will be discussed - Context: patriarchy, stigma, immigration; Impact: economic, social, emotional, career/education, physical; Coping: psychological strategies, physical strategies, social strategies, sources of support.

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Rather than treating conservative Protestantism as a homogenous phenomenon, recent literature has underlined the importance of disaggregating this group to illuminate important attitudinal and behavioral differences between conservative Protestants. However, the methods used to empirically operationalize conservative Protestantism have not always been able to capture variations within the groupings. Based on analysis of the 2004 Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, we argue that religious self-identification is a more useful way of analyzing conservative Protestant subgroups than denomination or religious belief. We show that many of these identifications are overlapping, rather than stand-alone, religious group identifications. Moreover, the identification category of born-again has seldom been included in surveys. We find having a born-again identification to be a better predictor than the more frequently asked fundamentalist and evangelical categories of the religious and social beliefs that are seen as indicative of conservative Protestantism.

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This research rests on the assumption that individual differences approaches to prejudice benefit from all integration of intergroup factors. Following Duckitt (2001), we assumed that two prominent individual differences variables, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO), would differentially predict majority members' levels of ethnic prejudice depending on specific factors of the intergroup context: RWA as all index of motivational concerns about social cohesion, stability and security should drive prejudice against outgroups perceived as socially threatening, and SDO as an index of concerns about ingroup superiority and dominance should predict prejudice against outgroups perceived as potential competitors for power-status. Across two studies (Ns = 82, 176), using between-participants and within-participants experimental designs, the effects of RWA on prejudice were particularly powerful when the outgroup was manipulated to be socially threatening, but the effects of SDO on prejudice appeared not to increase when the outgroup was manipulated to be competitive. In Study 2, presenting the outgroup as having low status also increased the effect of RWA, but not the effect of SDO. These results support the differential prediction assumption for RWA, but not for SDO. Implications for the conceptualisation of RWA and SDO are discussed. Copyright (C) 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

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Authoritarianism, comprising conventionalism, authoritarian submission, and authoritarian aggression, is an important factor underlying prejudice and social discrimination and therefore is typically perceived as socially problematic. In contrast, our work examines adaptive features of authoritarianism. Evolutionary game theoretical considerations (e.g., biased social learning) point to authoritarian psychological processes that establish and foster group life (e.g., high levels of ingroup cooperation). First, the evolution of social learning (particularly conformist and prestige biases) leads to the establishment of local and distinct cultural groups (conventionalism). Second, local cultural rules solve coordination dilemmas by transforming these rules into normative standards against which others are evaluated (authoritarian submission). Third, the common rules within a particular culture or group are reinforced by a tendency to reward norm compliance and punish norm deviations (authoritarian aggression). Implications regarding the deduction of novel research questions as well as dealing with authoritarianism as a social problem are discussed.