809 resultados para Youth Criminal Justice Act


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Criminal offending and poor mental health are both recognised as important social problems warranting prevention and intervention efforts. Although there is some evidence for comorbidity between these problems, little research has examined the causal relationship between offending and mental health, particularly for young people. The present investigation addresses these issues by using data from the Sibling Study, a longitudinal investigation of delinquency as self-reported by 731 adolescents and young adults in south-east Queensland, Australia. The results suggest that for young women, but not men, offending behaviours (including the use of illicit drugs) lead to increases in self-harm and depression. Conversely, poor mental health, as indicated by having low self-esteem, a poor future outlook, and a belief that life is very confusing, does not influence subsequent levels of offending for either sex. The implications for prevention and intervention are discussed, with emphasis on the need for the criminal justice system to provide mental health services to young female offenders.

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Relatively little longitudinal research is available in Australia to describe I the age/crime relationship in much detail, particularly patterns of offending occurring during the transition from adolescence to early adulthood. This paper addresses this issue using self-reported criminal involvement from a school-based sample, a group of socially disadvantaged individuals, and a group of officially identified offenders. The findings support the widespread research that rates of offending peak during adolescence, at which time offending is widespread, and that the criminal career is of relatively short duration. However, the results also demonstrate that the age/crime curve is not a unitary phenomenon. The type of offending behaviour being considered, the gender of the population, and the perpetrator's exposure to the criminal justice system contribute to the variability in the curve. In this study, the prevalence and mean level of overall offending for the total sample was higher during early adulthood than adolescence for vehicle offences and drug-use, rates of theft were similar in both periods, and vandalism and serious offending were lower. In addition, socially disadvantaged young people reported involvement in crime that peaked and desisted earlier in the life course compared to the school-based sample, and gender differences within these groups were also found. For the school-based sample, offending for females began and desisted earlier than for males, but within the at-risk group, the opposite was true. Implications for crime-prevention programming are discussed.

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Consideration of regulatory issues covering exclusionary DNA of forensic workers - probative effect of eliminating extraneous DNA in a criminal prosecution - current regulatory scheme leaves the legal position of forensic workers' exclusionary DNA obscure.

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This is a study of police interviewing using an integrated approach, drawing on CA, CDA and pragmatics. The study focuses on the balance of power and control, finding that in particular the institutional status of the participants, the discursive roles assigned to them by the context, and their relative knowledge, are significant factors affecting the dynamics of the discourse. Four discursive features are identified as particularly significant, and a detailed analysis of the complex interplay of these features shows that power and control are constantly under negotiation, and are always open to challenge and resistance. Further it is shown that discursive dominance is not necessarily advantageous to participants, due to the specific goals and purposes of the police interview context. A wider consideration of the context illustrates the contribution that linguistics can make to the use of police interview data as evidence in the UK criminal justice system.

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Initially the study focussed on the factors affecting the ability of the police to solve crimes. An analysts of over twenty thousand police deployments revealed the proportion of time spent investigating crime contrasted to its perceived importance and the time spent on other activities. The fictional portrayal of skills believed important in successful crime investigation were identified and compared to the professional training and 'taught skills’ given to police and detectives. Police practitioners and middle management provided views on the skills needed to solve crimes. The relative importance of the forensic science role. fingerprint examination and interrogation skills were contrasted with changes in police methods resulting from the Police and Criminal Evidence Act and its effect on confessions. The study revealed that existing police systems for investigating crime excluding specifically cases of murder and other serious offences, were unsystematic, uncoordinated, unsupervised and unproductive in using police resources. The study examined relevant and contemporary research in the United States and United Kingdom and with organisational support introduced an experimental system of data capture and initial investigation with features of case screening and management. Preliminary results indicated increases in the collection of essential information and more effective use of investigative resources. In the managerial framework within which this study has been conducted, research has been undertaken in the knowledge elicitation area as a basis for an expert system of crime investigation and the potential organisational benefits of utilising the Lap computer in the first stages of data gathering and investigation. The conclusions demonstrate the need for a totally integrated system of criminal investigation with emphasis on an organisational rather than individual response. In some areas the evidence produced is sufficient to warrant replication, in others additional research is needed to further explore other concepts and proposed systems pioneered by this study.

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Although much has been learnt about the psychological and physical harm caused to victims of stalking and cyberstalking, relatively little is known about the impact of stalking on social behaviour and relationships. This paper argues that victims of stalking sometimes go on to employ stalking behaviours against others. Although often arising from an instinctive need for self-protection, such reactive stalking can be defensive or offensive in nature. Those who engage in such behaviour may do so from a need to assert control over their lives, or from fear of further victimisation. In pursuing this argument, a case study is used to illustrate the behaviours described. The case study focuses on the experiences of three stalking victims and describes attempts to victimise the author during his research. The article also discusses some of the implications of reactive stalking for the criminal justice system and the way in which victims receive support.

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Globalisation has increased corporate tax competition amongst states and facilitated widespread corporate tax avoidance. Some of the largest businesses now pay little or no tax: in some cases with the active assistance of governments. This article examines contemporary corporation tax policies, outlines some of the key methods corporations use to minimise their tax liabilities, explores the interdependencies between the demand for reduced tax liabilities and the professional infrastructure of tax planning and avoidance, and examines how the contemporary political economy of corporate taxation enhances the bargaining power of transnational corporations in the implementation of tax policy.

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This article presents an analysis of the discursive construction of evidence in an English police interview with a rape suspect. The analytic findings differ from previous research on police–suspect interview discourse, in that here the interviewers actively lead an interviewee to produce defence evidence. The article seeks to make the following contributions: (i) it demonstrates the interactional mechanisms through which the interviewers co-construct the interviewee’s own version of events, and highlights the potential legal ramifications by focusing on the construction of one key evidential aspect, namely, consent; (ii) it lends weight to the hypothesis that interviewer agendas are strongly determinative of interview outcomes in terms of the evidential account produced, while making the important new contribution of showing that this is not simply a case of police interviewers being inevitably prosecution-focused; and (iii) it aims to provoke further investigation into the significance of interviewer discursive influence in cases where consent is at issue, against a backdrop of increasing numbers of rape cases being discontinued by the police at this early stage of the criminal justice process.

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In this paper we analyze criminal deterrence in the presence of specific psychic costs of punishments. We consider a dynamic model with three players, analyzing the choices of a representative lawmaker, potential criminal and judge. In our setting the lawmaker decides whether to introduce a fixed punishment enhancement above a chosen threshold of crime level, depending on its popularity among the voters. In reaction, the judge, who is influenced by her own preferences as well as the opinion of her peer group, might change the probability of punishment, through affecting the standard of reasonable doubt. Our results suggest that large discontinuous and mandatory increases in punishment can have unintended effects that are contrary to the stated goal of such punishment enhancements. In equilibrium, when either the judge or her peer group is "anti-punishment" enough, the level of criminal activity might increase in response to the punishment enhancement. This perverse effect is less likely to occur if there is a higher number of peer groups within the "elite", so that a greater extent of self-selection by judges can occur. Our results have relevance for a number of areas outside the traditional criminal justice system as well, such as special courts (such as ecclesiastical or military courts), or the strictness and enforcement of regulations.

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 Guatemala is not a failed state and is unlikely to become one in the near future. Although the state currently fails to provide adequate security to its citizens or an appropriate range of effective social programs, it does supply a functioning electoral democracy, sound economic management, and a promising new antipoverty program, My Family Progresses (MIFAPRO).  Guatemala is a weak state. The principal security threats represented by expanding Mexican drug trafficking organizations (DTOs), criminal parallel powers, and urban gangs have overwhelmed the resources of the under-resourced and compromised criminal justice system. The UN-sponsored International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), however, has demonstrated that progress against organized crime is possible.  The principal obstacles to strengthening the Guatemalan state lie in the traditional economic elite’s resistance to taxation and the venal political class’ narrow focus on short-term interests. Guatemala lacks a strong, policyoriented, mass-based political party that could develop a coherent national reform program and mobilize public support around it.  The United States should strengthen the Guatemalan state by expanding the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI) and by strongly supporting CICIG, MIFAPRO, and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE).

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Lineup procedures have recently garnered extensive empirical attention, in an effort to reduce the number of mistaken identifications that plague the criminal justice system. Relatively little attention, however, has been paid to the influence of the lineup constructor or the lineup construction technique on the quality of the lineup. This study examined whether the cross-race effect has an influence on the quality of lineups constructed using a match-to-suspect or match-to-description technique in a series of three phases. Participants generated descriptions of same- and other-race targets in Phase 1, which were used in Phase 2. In Phase 2, participants were asked to create lineups for own-race targets and other-race targets using one of two techniques. The lineups created in this phase were examined for lineup quality in Phase 3 by calculating lineup fairness assessments through the use of a mock witness paradigm. ^ Overall, the results of these experiment phases suggest that the race of those involved in the lineup construction process influences lineups. There was no difference in witness description accuracy in Phase 1, which ran counter to predictions based on the cross-race effect. The cross-race effect was observed, however, in Phases 2 and 3. The lineup construction technique used also influenced several of the process measures, selection estimates, and fairness judgments in Phase 2. Interestingly, the presence of the cross-race effect was in the opposite direction as predicted for some measures in both phases. In Phase 2, the cross-race effect was as predicted for number of foils viewed, but in the opposite direction for average time spent viewing each foil. In Phase 3, the cross-race effect was in the opposite direction than predicted, with higher levels of lineup fairness in other-race lineups. The practical implications of these findings are discussed in relation to lineup fairness within the legal system. ^

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The purpose of this project is to ascertain the ways in which Orange is the New Black uses its platform to either complicate or reify narratives about the prison system, prisoners and their relationship to the state. This research uses the works of Giorgio Agamben, Colin Dayan, Michelle Alexander and Lisa Guenther to situate the ways the state uses the prison and social narratives about the prison to extend its control on certain populations beyond prison walls through police presence, parole, the war on drugs and prison fees. From that basis, this work argues that while Orange does challenge some narratives about race and sexuality, because of its reliance on “bad choices” as a humanizing trope and its reliance on certain racialized stereotypes for entertainment, the show ultimately does more to reify existing narratives that support state interests.

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The inequalities that mark the women’s lives in societies around the world have been the subject of intense discussion by the feminist movement, with developments in questioning about possibilities of full citizenship. In this scenario the Brazilian feminist movement has achieved steadily, in recent decades, an effort to participate in the formulation of the public policy agenda, as well as the realization of demands to institutionalize the legal parameters as regulations for the issue of violence against women. On the grounds of social justice, many discourses are made with a focus on reframing the institutional role of the state in the areas of constitutional law and criminal law. Considering these discourses, proposals were reformulated and the action of the state was resized, what ended in the enactment of Law 11,340 / 2006 (Maria da Penha Law), with a great impact on the Brazilian criminal justice system. Taking this perspective as its starting point, this research is focused on understanding the struggles for access to the legal field regarding the implementation of the Maria da Penha Law. This qualitative and quantitative research analyses the way the social practices and social representations which involve activists of the feminist movement and operators from the justice system are established in Juazeiro/ BA and Petrolina/PE before the institutional reshuffles of the state. As a result, it was revealed that, despite inconsistencies in the performance of the criminal justice system, the positioning of feminist activism is grounded on the assumption.