Progresividad del impuesto de renta en las pyme en el marco del estado social de derecho colombiano

La constitución política en su artículo primero ha establecido el modelo político en el cual se enmarca el Estado Colombiano, precepto que por su prevalencia normativa, se convierte en fundamento de todo actuar y que se expresa así: Colombia es un Estado social de derecho, organizado en forma de República unitaria, descentralizada, con autonomía de sus entidades territoriales, democrática, participativa y pluralista, fundada en el respeto de la dignidad humana, en el trabajo y la solidaridad de las personas que la integran y en la prevalencia del interés general. La introducción de este nuevo modelo político implica un cambio radical en la forma de concebir el Estado, ante la pérdida sacramental del texto legal entendido como emanación de la voluntad popular y la mayor preocupación por la justicia material y por el logro de soluciones que consulten la especificidad de los hechos (M.P. BARÓN, Ciro., 1992), situación que conviene un cambio de pensamiento en la elaboración de las normas y que a partir, de 1991 debe consultar su impacto en la solución de los problemas que aquejan la sociedad. Consecuente con lo anterior, el sistema tributario, no puede ser ajeno a los postulados incluidos en el artículo primero de la constitución política atrás citado, y en tal sentido la Asamblea Constituyente, aunque en su momento no acogió las recomendaciones dadas por el Instituto Colombiano de Derecho Tributario, en el sentido de incluir un artículo que dijera que los tributos debían fundarse en la capacidad económica del sujeto pasivo, si consagró en su artículo 363 que el sistema tributario debía fundarse en los principios de equidad y progresividad, entre otros (BRAVO, 1997). Es aquí donde se centra el presente proyecto de investigación, que busca indagar por el principio de progresividad, que por efecto metodológicos se limitara a las pyme, específicamente en la pequeña empresa, aquella con planta de personal entre once (11) y cincuenta (50) trabajadores y activo total entre quinientos un (501) y menos de cinco mil un (5.001) salarios mínimos legales mensuales vigentes. Estas personas jurídicas, se ven abocadas a una fuerte carga impositiva directa, en el cual el impuesto de renta recobra relevancia, haciéndose necesario analizar su impacto a las luces de la nueva reforma, a efecto de vislumbrar la efectiva materialización del principio de progresividad o por si el contrario los recientes cambios normativos han contradicho el mandato impuesto en la Constitución política en cuanto al respeto que debe contener toda norma en materia tributaria, en cuanto al principio objeto de estudio.

Bogusław Śliwa (1944-1989) - działacz opozycji demokratycznej i "Solidarności" w Kaliszu

Bogusław Śliwa was born in Lvov on 6 October 1944. He graduated in law studies at Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań in 1969. Following the completion of his prosecutor’s apprenticeship he worked, among others, in Wolsztyn, Świebodzin and – from 1975 – in Kalisz. On 22 August 1978 Śliwa was fired from the public prosecutor’s office because he had attempted to detect a person who murdered during the robbery committed by a Civic Militia officer. That time he established and maintained close contacts with activists of the Workers’ Defence Committee (KOR), among others: Jacek Kuroń, Mirosław Chojecki, Adam Michnik, Bronisław Geremek, Jan Lityński, Zofia Romaszewska and Zbigniew Romaszewski. In 1978 he began to cooperate with the Kalisz group of the Movement for the Defence of Human and Civil Rights (ROPCiO). In the early 1979 this group started to publish “Wolne Słowo” in which Śliwa was a co-editor. On 28 June 1979 in Poznań he was involved in founding the Social Self-Defence Club of the Wielkopolska and Kujawy Region. In September 1980, during strikes at the FWR “Runotex” and KZKS “Winiary” in Kalisz Śliwa was an expert representing the workers. On 29 September of that year, he arranged in Kalisz a meeting of representatives and delegates of enterprises in Kalisz aimed at appointing the Board of the Inter-Enterprise Founding Committee of the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union. He became the secretary. Bogusław Śliwa also engaged in setting up and developing an information team. He was informally responsible for developing an information and printing base. Bogusław Śliwa set up “NSZZ Solidarność” magazine where he published his own articles. He also founded the “Solidarność” Workers’ Community Centre in Kalisz. it is noteworthy that it was the only community centre in Poland established by „Solidarność”. In December the Nationwide Liaison Commission of „Solidarność” appointed him to the Committee for the Defence of Prisoners of Conscience established on 10 December of that year. He participated in the information meeting of the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union of Independent Farmers “Solidarność Wiejska” held in Staw, in Szczytniki commune. During that meeting “Solidarność Wiejska” led by Mieczysław Walczykiewicz requested the authorities to liquidate the “Świt” Agricultural Production Cooperative in Cieszyków, in Szczytniki commune. Bogusław Śliwa was involved in this successful event. It was the first liquidation of cooperative in Poland. On 11 January 1981 Śliwa co-organized the 1st Regional Convention of „Solidarność” Wiejska in Kalisz. Following the so-called Bydgoszcz events of 19 March 1981 he advocated the general strike. Due to his attitude, Śliwa was listed as one of 146 „Solidarność” activists executed by the 3rd “A” Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. According to the authorities those activists presented radical views. On 30 June 1981 at the 1st General Delegates Convention of the Kaliskie province, Śliwa, as a delegate of the Kaliskie province, was appointed to the Regional Board of „Solidarność” – Southern Wielkopolska. In July Śliwa set up in Kalisz the underground branch of the Polish Democratic Party. In 1981 Śliwa was a delegate to the 1st National Delegates Convention of „Solidarność” and co-edited with Jan Lityński the document entitled: “Message to the Working People of Eastern Europe” originated by Henryk Siciński and adopted by the 1st National Delegates Convention. On 22 November he participated in the Warsaw-held meeting founding the Self-Governing Republic Clubs “Liberty – Equality– Independence” and signed the founding declaration. On 28 of that month he co-organized with Antoni Pietkiewicz a founding meeting of the Club in Kalisz. When martial law was declared he began to hide in Kalisz. Śliwa was arrested on 25 February 1982 and interned in Ostrów Wielkopolski and then in Gębarzew and Kwidzyn. After being released on 25 November 1982, he was immediately involved in the activity of the underground movement of „Solidarność”. He edited the first two issues of “Nasza Solidarność” magazine published in Kalisz. Śliwa co-invented and co-organized the 1st May march that was independent from the authorities’ one held in Kalisz in 1983. Consequently, he was temporarily arrested and detained in Ostrów Wielkopolski. On 7 June 1983 he was released from custody. The amnesty declared on 21 July 1983 caused that the investigation against him was discontinued. In July of the same year he co-founded the Inter-Regional Coordination Commission of the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union “Solidarność” Kalisz-Konin-Sieradz. As he could not find any work and he and his family were exposed to psychological harassment, he emigrated to Sweden on 30 December 1983. He worked, among other positions, as bookbinder. He was the board secretary of the Congress of Poles in Sweden. In 1984 he commented the death of priest Jerzy Popiełuszko in “Dagens Nyheter” daily. He was also interviewed by Radio Liberty. Śliwa commenced cooperating with representatives of the „Solidarność” Coordination Office in Paris, Brussels and Stockholm. On 18 April 1985 the Military Garrison Prosecutor’s Office in Wrocław initiated investigations against Śliwa, charging him with activities detrimental to political interests of the People’s Republic of Poland. Subsequently, on 10 July 1985 this public prosecutor’s office decided to issue an arrest warrant for him. On the same day the public prosecutor suspended criminal proceedings against him. In December 1985, after the courageous escape of two brothers, Adam and Krzysztof Zieliński, from Poland to Sweden, he helped them prevent their deportation and stay in their new homeland. He expressed his opinion on this issue on Swedish television and in “ Dagens Nyheter” daily. His intervention helped them legally stay in Sweden. In 1989 he arrived in Poland. During this short visit he met and talked with his colleagues from the so-called first „Solidarność”. Bogusław Śliwa died in Stockholm on 23 November 1989. He was buried there on 7 December 1989. On 18 October 2006 he was posthumously honoured by Lech Kaczynski, President of Poland, with the Order of Polonis Restitution. On 15 June 2007 Bogusław Śliwa was posthumously granted the title of an Honorary Citizen of Kalisz by the Town Council of Kalisz.

The symbolic, socio-economic and exchange value of Imperial German and National Socialist medals and badges, 1701 to the present

This thesis examines the manufacture, use, exchange (including gift exchange), collecting and commodification of German medals and badges from the early 18th century until the present-day, with particular attention being given to the symbols that were deployed by the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) between 1919 and 1945. It does so by focusing in particular on the construction of value through insignia, and how such badges and their symbolic and monetary value changed over time. In order to achieve this, the thesis adopts a chronological structure, which encompasses the creation of Prussia in 1701, the Napoleonic wars and the increased democratisation of military awards such as the Iron Cross during the Great War. The collapse of the Kaiserreich in 1918 was the major factor that led to the creation of the NSDAP under the eventual strangle-hold of Hitler, a fundamentally racist and anti-Semitic movement that continued the German tradition of awarding and wearing badges. The traditional symbols of Imperial Germany, such as the eagle, were then infused with the swastika, an emblem that was meant to signify anti-Semitism, thus creating a hybrid identity. This combination was then replicated en-masse, and eventually eclipsed all the symbols that had possessed symbolic significance in Germany’s past. After Hitler was appointed Chancellor in 1933, millions of medals and badges were produced in an effort to create a racially based “People’s Community”, but the steel and iron that were required for munitions eventually led to substitute materials being utilised and developed in order to manufacture millions of politically oriented badges. The Second World War unleashed Nazi terror across Europe, and the conscripts and volunteers who took part in this fight for living-space were rewarded with medals that were modelled on those that had been instituted during Imperial times. The colonial conquest and occupation of the East by the Wehrmacht, the Order Police and the Waffen-SS surpassed the brutality of former wars that finally culminated in the Holocaust, and some of these horrific crimes and the perpetrators of them were perversely rewarded with medals and badges. Despite Nazism being thoroughly discredited, many of the Allied soldiers who occupied Germany took part in the age-old practice of obtaining trophies of war, which reconfigured the meaning of Nazi badges as souvenirs, and began the process of their increased commodification on an emerging secondary collectors’ market. In order to analyse the dynamics of this market, a “basket” of badges is examined that enables a discussion of the role that aesthetics, scarcity and authenticity have in determining the price of the artefacts. In summary, this thesis demonstrates how the symbolic, socio-economic and exchange value of German military and political medals and badges has changed substantially over time, provides a stimulus for scholars to conduct research in this under-developed area, and encourages collectors to investigate the artefacts that they collect in a more historically contextualised manner.

Controle social do espaço público: uma análise do conselho turístico pólo costa das dunas

The managing Conselho of public politics constitute one of the main experiences of democracy in Brazil contemporary representing a conquest for construction of a democratic institutionalism. The historical newness consists of the intensification and the institutionalization of the dialogue between government and society - in public and plural canals - as condition for an allocation more efficient joust and of the public resources. In this context the present study it objectified to understand from readings of the performance of represented group of bencheses the dynamics of functioning of the Tourist Conselho Pólo Costa das Dunas while space of participation and social control. The bibliographical research contemplated diverse sources in order to compile knowledge of credential authors in the quarrel of inherent subjects to the civil society and the public sphere to the construction of the citizenship to the conception formation and dynamics of the social control through Conselho of public politics. A qualitative perspective the case study was adopted as research method and for attainment of the data interviews with the members of the Conselho had been carried through beyond consultation the referring documents the dynamics of functioning of the Conselho. The profiles capacities and limitations of the members of the Conselho had been identified constitution social and dynamic organization of functioning of the Conselho and the readings of the members of the Conselho concerning the power to decide instances and participation. The results had shown that the allotment of being able in the Conselho does not occur of equal form. The functions of coordination of the activities of the Conselho are assumed by the representatives of the public agencies. Level of qualification of council members also if presents as difficulty to development of activities of Conselho since the majority of the interviewed ones disclosed unreliability and unfamiliarity when thematic specific that runs away from its organizacional reality they are boarded in the assemblies. Of this form the Conselho if presents more as half of institutional legitimation of what half of characterization of the creation of a public sphere properly said. Finally he could himself be concluded that a democratic culture inexists that inside crosses practical the institutional ones of the Conselho thus limiting the possibility to reach the effective social control of the public politics of tourism in the Rio Grande do Norte

Between Nation and State: Albanian Associations from Ottoman Origins to a Communist Party, 1880 - 1945

This dissertation addresses the broader antecedents of the Communist Party of Albania (CPA) as one of a number of associations whose experience was central to Albanian political history. This long experience dates back to the informal national associations formed in the Ottoman Empire of the late nineteenth century. The dissertation examines the role of these associations which, pursuing language rights and political representation through imperial state reforms, set a pattern that struggled to connect nation and state, rather than asserting the territorial demands for a nation-state familiar across the region. Starting out in the Ottoman Empire, but then maturing in the Albanian diaspora in Romania, Bulgaria, Egypt and the United States, this dissertation shows politically significant processes of longer-term adaptation that created informal associations as institutional structures able to channel collective action. It then traces the reframing of these patterns through their destruction in the Balkan Wars and the First World War to the emergence of communist associations in the interwar period and beyond. This dissertation is a sustained study that traces long-term Ottoman imperial political legacies in the Albanian successor state. The story of the associations, based on hitherto unexamined archival documents, shows that the Albanians possessed a far greater capacity for political mobilization that previously acknowledged by historians. Moreover, the dissertation successfully challenges the conventional wisdom that portrays the Albanians as irreparably divided along sectarian and regional faultlines. It finds that Albanian national activism was civic in character rather than ethnic as elsewhere in the Balkans. The Albanians fought to remain within a multinational framework because this afforded them political security, social advancement and potential economic growth. In the late Ottoman period, this political objective was manifested in the acceptance of the supranational imperial order whereas during the Second World War, in the aspiration to become members of the Comintern internationalist movement. Another important find, is the newly-discovered evidence concerning the founding of the CPA and its wartime conduct as an organization created and led by the Albanians themselves, albeit with Yugoslav ideological assistance under the transnational umbrella of the Comintern.

Twitter e ciberativismo: o movimento social da hashtag #ForaMicarla em Natal-RN

The spatial and temporal fluidity conditioned by the technologies of social interaction online have been allowing that collective actions of protest and activism arise every day in cyberspace - the cyber-activism. If before these actions were located in geographical boundaries, today's demands and mobilizations extrapolate the location, connect to the global, and at the same time, return to the regional through digital virtuality. Within this context of the relationship between digital technology and global flow of sociability, emerges in October 2010 the social movement of the hashtag "#ForaMicarla", which means the dissatisfaction of cibernauts from Natal of Twitter with the current management of the municipality of Natal-RN, Micarla de Sousa (Green Party). We can find in the center of this movement and others who appeared in the world at the same time a technological condition of Twitter, with the hashtag "#". Given this scenario, this research seeks to analyze how the relationship of the agents of movement hashtag "ForaMicarla", based on the principle that it was formed in the Twitter network and is maintained on the platform on a daily basis, it can create a new kind of political culture. Thus, this study discusses theoretically the importance of Twitter and movements that emerge on the platform and through it to understand the social and political demands of the contemporary world and this public sphere, which now seems to include cyberspace

Desafios de cuidar em serviço social : uma perspectiva crítica

Este artigo trata das relações entre cuidado, emancipação e Serviço Social, com o objetivo de uma reflexão crítica sobre uma temática que tem ficado obscurecida na discussão profissional. Faz uma análise do conceito de cuidado, enquanto ajuda, trabalho familiar da mulher e ação individual, para situá-lo no contexto das relações de poder, de descaso e abandono, próprio da sociedade capitalista. Considera o cuidar em uma perspectiva teórica e histórica democrática, exigindo a construção de valores éticos e de humanização da atenção profissional articulada à existência de suportes institucionais. Volta-se ao reconhecimento do outro como sujeito individual e coletivo de direitos, na efetivação de sua autonomia, da democracia e da cidadania no contexto da história social, e nas condições do sujeito combinando atenção às suas necessidades, às suas expressões e à inclusão social com valores éticos e processos de atuação profissional explicitados. __________________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT

Setor público não-estatal : (des)caminhos do controle social e da equidade no acesso aos serviços das organizações sociais de saúde

O controle social, ou democracia direta, refere-se ao acesso à informação e à participação da sociedade civil, organizada ou não, na gestão, implementação de ações e fiscalização das organizações públicas e privadas. O exercício do controle social é um importante instrumento para evitar desvios e impropriedades na execução do gasto público. Com o advento das Organizações Sociais (publicização), nos anos 90, houve um esforço para garantir a consolidação e a ampliação dos espaços de controle social nessas instituições, espaços esses, contudo, não muito eficazes. À luz dessa discussão teórica analisa-se aqui a experiência de uma organização social de saúde, a Associação das Pioneiras Sociais APS) - Hospital Sarah Kubtscheque -, enfatizando-se a efetividade do exercício do controle social em seu conselho de administração. A metodologia baseou-se na análise qualitativa de dados obtidos em entrevistas e em documentos oficiais. __________________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT

O controle democrático no financiamento e gestão do orçamento da seguridade social no Brasil

A gestão dos recursos da Seguridade Social deveria passar integralmente pelos fundos sociais vinculados às políticas de saúde, previdência e assistência social, sob o comando de conselhos compostos de forma paritária entre os representantes governamentais e não governamentais para acompanhar e fiscalizar essas políticas sociais, o que implicaria redesenho das relações entre Estado e sociedade, instituindo formas de participação e controle democrático. Apesar de avanços e das experiências diferenciadas desses conselhos no âmbito da Seguridade Social, eles esbarram em limites concretos impostos pela política econômica para o controle democrático, destacando-se dois: a existência da Desvinculação de Recursos da União, que retira recursos da Seguridade Social, e o fato de uma parcela importante da execução orçamentária acontecer fora dos fundos públicos da Seguridade Social. __________________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT

«Imagine, c’est le socialisme et personne ne s’en va» : l’intelligentsia littéraire est-allemande et la chute du mur de Berlin

En 1989, la Pologne, la Hongrie, la Tchécoslovaquie et la République démocratique allemande (RDA) furent secouées par des mouvements de protestations qui précipitèrent la dissolution de leur régime communiste. Il est souvent admis, dans l’historiographie comme dans la mémoire populaire, que les intellectuels, dont plusieurs écrivains, ont joué un rôle déterminant lors de ces bouleversements. Or, l’analyse de la révolution en Allemagne de l’Est et des prises de position de son intelligentsia littéraire démontre qu’une telle conclusion s’applique mal à cet État : les auteurs phares de la RDA, qui se sont pourtant présentés pendant et après la révolution comme des victimes et des opposants au régime, n’ont jamais partagé les revendications anticommunistes de leurs concitoyens et ont conservé un discours socialiste. Ce mémoire entend expliquer cette réaction particulière des écrivains les mieux établis de l’Allemagne de l’Est – soit Christa Wolf, Heiner Müller, Stefan Heym, Volker Braun et Christoph Hein. En étudiant leurs textes non fictifs et en analysant la relation qu’ils entretenaient avec le régime, la population et l’idéologie promue en RDA, nous démontrerons que ces auteurs avaient développé, avant l’ouverture du mur de Berlin, une stratégie d’action alliant loyauté socialiste et critique de l’autoritarisme, ce qui leur avait permis de cumuler un important capital social et culturel. À l’automne 1989 et lors du processus de réunification allemande, l’intelligentsia littéraire a en fait agi en fonction de cette même stratégie ; celle-ci, toutefois, n’était pas adaptée aux nouvelles conditions sociales.

«Imagine, c’est le socialisme et personne ne s’en va» : l’intelligentsia littéraire est-allemande et la chute du mur de Berlin

En 1989, la Pologne, la Hongrie, la Tchécoslovaquie et la République démocratique allemande (RDA) furent secouées par des mouvements de protestations qui précipitèrent la dissolution de leur régime communiste. Il est souvent admis, dans l’historiographie comme dans la mémoire populaire, que les intellectuels, dont plusieurs écrivains, ont joué un rôle déterminant lors de ces bouleversements. Or, l’analyse de la révolution en Allemagne de l’Est et des prises de position de son intelligentsia littéraire démontre qu’une telle conclusion s’applique mal à cet État : les auteurs phares de la RDA, qui se sont pourtant présentés pendant et après la révolution comme des victimes et des opposants au régime, n’ont jamais partagé les revendications anticommunistes de leurs concitoyens et ont conservé un discours socialiste. Ce mémoire entend expliquer cette réaction particulière des écrivains les mieux établis de l’Allemagne de l’Est – soit Christa Wolf, Heiner Müller, Stefan Heym, Volker Braun et Christoph Hein. En étudiant leurs textes non fictifs et en analysant la relation qu’ils entretenaient avec le régime, la population et l’idéologie promue en RDA, nous démontrerons que ces auteurs avaient développé, avant l’ouverture du mur de Berlin, une stratégie d’action alliant loyauté socialiste et critique de l’autoritarisme, ce qui leur avait permis de cumuler un important capital social et culturel. À l’automne 1989 et lors du processus de réunification allemande, l’intelligentsia littéraire a en fait agi en fonction de cette même stratégie ; celle-ci, toutefois, n’était pas adaptée aux nouvelles conditions sociales.

Social Tagging and the Next Steps for Indexing: Fordist Relexivity and Intertextuality

Social tagging, as a particular type of indexing, has thrown into question the nature of indexing. Is it a democratic process? Can we all benefit from user-created tags? What about the value added by professionals? Employing an evolving framework analysis, this paper addresses the question: what is next for indexing? Comparing social tagging and subject cataloguing; this paper identifies the points of similarity and difference that obtain between these two kinds of information organization frameworks. The subsequent comparative analysis of the parts of these frameworks points to the nature of indexing as an authored, personal, situational, and referential act, where differences in discursive placement divide these two species. Furthermore, this act is contingent on implicit and explicit understanding of purpose and tools available. This analysis allows us to outline desiderata for the next steps in indexing.

La actualización del modelo socialista y sus efectos en el Partido Comunista Cubano

El VI Congreso del Partido Comunista de Cuba introdujo una nueva agenda económica que el Gobierno llama la actualización del modelo socialista. Muchos piensan que en esencia se trata de una serie de reformas y reducen su importancia a su dimensión económica. Esta monografía busca explicar la actualización aplicando el análisis de sistemas-mundo de Immanuel Wallerstein, aportando una interpretación no convencional del fenómeno. Se puntualizará en las variables de poder y en los actores políticos que han determinado la nueva política económica: el Partido Comunista de Cuba (PCC) y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias (FAR). Ambos conforman lo que Wallerstein denomina un movimiento antisitémico. El argumento principal es que el movimiento ha puesto en marcha las reformas buscando fortalecer el Estado y así garantizar su supervivencia al consolidar su posición como el competidor único del poder estatal. Como se verá, estas metas han llevado al movimiento a sacrificar parte de su naturaleza antisistémica.

Para una crítica de la educación democrática

El propósito central de este trabajo consiste en hacer un análisis crítico de la idea de educación democrática. Como hilo conductor se discute la tesis desarrollada por Amy Gutmann, según la cual, la educación democrática tiene como fin garantizar la reproducción consciente de la sociedad. En este contexto, la tesis que se defiende afirma que la educación democrática exige, además de los principios de no represión y la no discriminación desarrollados por Gutmann, un principio de reconocimiento, que articule la orientación de las acciones educativas a fuentes de normatividad asociadas con una interpretación intersubjetivista de la autonomía, de manera que se puedan generar más elementos de juicio, sobre todo, aquellos incorporados en las dimensiones moral, ética, política, legal y social de la persona, al momento de proponer prácticas educativas encaminadas a la formación de una ciudadanía participativa y crítica. Para esto se propone una interpretación que integra las perspectivas deliberativa y agonal de la democracia, se defiende que la expresión clave del ejercicio de la ciudadanía democrática es la participación, que el ejercicio de la participación tiene por condición la realización de la autonomía personal, por lo cual, en la parte final se elabora una lectura intersubjetivista de la autonomía, a partir de los trabajos de Axel Honneth y Rainer Forst.

La influencia del Blues en la configuración y creación de The Black Panther Party en Estados Unidos (1966)

El trabajo a continuación tiene como objetivo mostrar cómo la música ha estado ligada al afroamericano desde su llegada al continente Americano en 1800, y cómo ha sido usada para lograr una transformación político-social que permitiría alcanzar la igualdad de trato en Estados Unidos durante la mitad del siglo XX. Se observará la evolución del Blues desde sus raíces y la introducción del R&B como expresión de pensamiento, ideas y experiencias utilizado por The Black Panther Party en la escena social negra de la época. Para lograr el objetivo anteriormente mencionado, se utilizará la Teoría de Campos de Pierre Bourdieu, junto con los conceptos de Capital y Habitus.