809 resultados para Migrants indiens
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OBJECTIVES: The research question for this project mainly concentrates on the sociolinguistic aspects of a socalled “language related major life event” (De Bot, 2007): retirement. “Language related major life events” are events in the lifespan that are important for changes happening in the linguistic setting which influence the language development. In my paper I will explore changes happening around retirement in regard to multilingual competence. The focus will be on two groups: Italian migrants living in the city of Berne and Swissgerman-speakers, both at the age around retirement. The above mentioned changes can take place on two levels. (1) On the one hand, people have more time for curricular activities after retirement, which they can use in order to learn new languages or to improve their language skills. In this case we are dealing with the concept of “lifelong learning”. (2) On the other hand, language competence can be lost due to the (partial) loss of the retiree’s social network at their former workplace. METHODS: I will first examine these processes by using quantitative questionnaires in order to obtain general information on demographic data, the social situation, and a self-assessment of linguistic skills. Secondly, I will use qualitative interviews to gain in-depth information on the linguistic changes happening around retirement and their link to different factors, such as social networks, education, gender or the language biography. RESULTS: Since the project is still in its early stages of development, clear results can’t be mentioned yet. By May 2012 I will be able to present results of the quantitative study as well as a first glance into the results of the qualitative part of the project. CONCLUSION: The results of this project are meant to benefit the better insight into different aspects that haven’t been looked at in detail till this point. (1) What is the general and linguistic situation of Italian migrants who decided to remain in Switzerland after retirement and how can their linguistic skills affect their quality of living? (2) Who decides to learn a new language after retirement and how should language courses for older people be designed?
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Starting from the idea that places are socially constructed, this essay explores how place is established and lived in Xinjiang by the members of the area’s two largest ethnicities, the Uyghur and the Han. This paper demonstrates that there are differences in the ways Han and Uyghur imagine and ‘live’ Xinjiang. At the same time it asserts that Uyghur and Han do not establish distinct spatial relationships just because of their ethnicity, but also to enhance ethnic solidarity and boundaries vis-à-vis the other. This essay also demonstrates that places are historically contingent, and it discusses the ways in which the influx of Han temporary migrants and settlers—and Han capital—has generated new layers of spatial meaning and new power differentials.
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Under the name Nollywood a unique video film industry has developed in Nigeria in the last few decades, which now forms one of the world’s biggest entertainment industries. With its focus on stories reflecting „the values, desires and fears” (Haynes 2007: 133) of African viewers and its particular way of production, Nollywood brings „lived practices and its representation together in ways that make the films deeply accessible and entirely familiar to their audience“ (Marston et al. 2007: 57). In doing so, Nollywood shows its spectators new postcolonial forms of performative self‐expression and becomes a point of reference for a wide range of people. However, Nollywood not only excites a large number of viewers inside and outside Nigeria, it also inspires some of them to become active themselves and make their own films. This effect of Nigerian filmmaking can be found in many parts of sub‐Saharan Africa as well as in African diasporas all over the world – including Switzerland (Mooser 2011: 63‐66). As a source of inspiration, Nollywood and its unconventional ways of filmmaking offer African migrants a benchmark that meets their wish to express themselves as minority group in a foreign country. As Appadurai (1996: 53), Ginsburg (2003: 78) and Marks (2000: 21) assume, filmmakers with a migratory background have a specific need to express themselves through media. As minority group members in their country of residence they not only wish to reflect upon their situation within the diaspora and illustrate their everyday struggles as foreigners, but to also express their own views and ideas in order to challenge dominant public opinion (Ginsburg 2003: 78). They attempt to “talk back to the structures of power” (2003: 78) they live in. In this process, their audio-visual works become a means of response and “an answering echo to a previous presentation or representation” (Mitchell 1994: 421). The American art historian Mitchell, therefore, suggests interpreting representation as “the relay mechanism in exchange of power, value, and publicity” (1994: 420). This desire of interacting with the local public has also been expressed during a film project of African, mainly Nigerian, first-generation migrants in Switzerland I am currently partnering in. Several cast and crew members have expressed feelings of being under-represented, even misrepresented, in the dominant Swiss media discourse. In order to create a form of exchange and give themselves a voice, they consequently produce a Nollywood inspired film and wish to present it to the society they live in. My partnership in this on‐going film production (which forms the foundation of my PhD field study) allows me to observe and experience this process. By employing qualitative media anthropological methods and in particular Performance Ethnography, I seek to find out more about the ways African migrants represent themselves as a community through audio‐visual media and the effect the transnational use of Nollywood has on their form of self‐representations as well as the ways they express themselves.
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Most species do not live in a constant environment over space or time. Their environment is often heterogeneous with a huge variability in resource availability and exposure to pathogens or predators, which may affect the local densities of the species. Moreover, the habitat might be fragmented, preventing free and isotropic migrations between local sub-populations (demes) of a species, making some demes more isolated than others. For example, during the last ice age populations of many species migrated towards refuge areas from which re-colonization originated when conditions improved. However, populations that could not move fast enough or could not adapt to the new environmental conditions faced extinctions. Populations living in these types of dynamic environments are often referred to as metapopulations and modeled as an array of subdivisions (or demes) that exchange migrants with their neighbors. Several studies have focused on the description of their demography, probability of extinction and expected patterns of diversity at different scales. Importantly, all these evolutionary processes may affect genetic diversity, which can affect the chance of populations to persist. In this chapter we provide an overview on the consequences of fragmentation, long-distance dispersal, range contractions and range shifts on genetic diversity. In addition, we describe new methods to detect and quantify underlying evolutionary processes from sampled genetic data.
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Since the mid-1980s, migrants from North African and sub-Saharan countries have irregularly crossed the Strait of Gibraltar, in the hope of a better future for themselves and their families. Travelling in small, poorly equipped boats without experienced captains has cost the lives of myriad border crossers. Many of these bodies will never be recovered and the bereaved will never know whether their relatives and friends are alive or not. The bereaved are thus condemned to a state of not knowing and uncertainty. Exploring the junction of death and belonging, I firstly open a discussion about the enigmatic relation between a dead body and a dead person and argue for the importance of the physical presence of the body for mourning. Secondly, I show how the anonymity of dead border crossers and their uncertain belongings are generated, concealed, or rewritten. Following the story of an undertaker, I thirdly examine post-mortem border crossings. Depicting the power relations within identification processes, I outline the ambiguity of the term belonging by emphasising the constitutive significance of personal belongings such as clothes to restore a person’s identity. Reflecting on the ethical relationships which different actors (including the researcher) undertake with the deceased, I aim at gaining a better understanding of the multiple belonging of dead border crossers found on Spanish shores.
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This paper analyses the impact of European mobility in the field of the political nomination of intra-EU migrants in local elections. The study contributes to the debates in the literature related to immigrant nomination and representation by showing how group resources and political opportunities in the country of residence interact with the political opportunities of the European citizenship regime. It argues that the symbolic and legal status of European identity, representation in the European Parliament and strong links between political institutions in the countries of destination and origin play a positive role in boosting immigrant political entrepreneurs’ visibility vis-à-vis host country political actors. In order to illustrate these findings, the paper provides a qualitative comparison of British and Romanian residents in Spain.
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The challenges of research ethics and methodologies have been reflected on extensively, but – aside from the context of feminist methodologies – less so in relation to research on particular migration sites such as in transit, detention centres, at the borders or within migration administration. First attempts in this direction have been made (Düvell et al. 2010, Fresia et al. 2005, Riedner 2014, van Liempt/Bilger2009), however, more reflection and theorization is needed, considering the contested nature of these temporal and volatile sites. In this workshop, we thus aim at examining methodological as well as ethical questions that arise during field work: We attempt to reflect the power relations involved in the research process, the ethics of research design, the dissemination of research results, the question of gaining access to and – whenever necessary – staying in contact with our research subjects. How can we negotiate informed consent with subjects whose life is currently marked by transit and insecurity concerning their own future, and who are in an uncertain situation in which substantial information (legal, social, cultural etc.) is likely to be missing? How do we deal with the dilemma of possibly contributing to knowledge production that might facilitate removals and deportations in the future, considering that the reception of the results is not in the hands of the researchers? How do we deal with the anticipated as well as unexpected impacts of our research on social and political practice? Regarding fieldwork in state institutions, how do we negotiate the multiple loyalties we often find ourselves faced with as social researchers, both with the excluded migrants and with the authorities implementing the exclusions – two groupings considered to be opposite to each other (Lavanchy 2013)? Which different roles do researchers need to take on? The aim of our workshop is first and foremost to exchange experiences on fieldwork with others doing qualitative research on related topics and to consider its possible implications – including affective dimensions – for all participants involved in the research process: the migrants, the security staff of detention centres, its social workers, border police and bureaucrats and, last but not least, the researchers themselves. Furthermore, we generally wish to reflect upon the question of how best to conduct research in this contested field, applying an interdisciplinary perspective.
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When on 26 May 1662 the founding first stone was laid for a new church on the island Nordstrand at the coast of Schleswig, relics of Teresa of Avila (1515-1582) and of the Dutch Carmelite abbess Maria Margaretha ab Angelis (1605-1658) were inserted. This church was built for Dutch dyke builders who were called to reconstruct the island after its destruction by flood in 1634; coming from a Catholic background and from the Dutch Republic which was at war with Spain at that time, the dyke builders and their families were guaranteed religious freedom in the Lutheran duchy of Holstein. In this paper, the reasons for the choice for the Spanish mystic Teresa of Avila and for the Dutch Carmelite abbess Maria Margaretha are discussed. The latter patroness was never beatified but had died in the smell of holiness; after her death several miracles were ascribed to her. It is understandable that migrants brought relics of their appreciated holy persons who would remind them of their homeland. The paper will first shortly introduce the two patronesses of the church. In the second part, the reasons for this choice will be discussed. Behind this translation of relics not only spiritual reasons played a role. The function of the translation of the saints was first to keep up geographical and political connections with the old country (both Spain and the Netherlands), secondly to perpetuate personal-familial relationships (esp. with Maria Margaretha), thirdly to strengthen the confessional identity in a non-Catholic environment. Fourthly the transfer brought a certain model of Christian life and reform to the new place of living, which in the second part of the 17th century became marked as “Jansenist”. The paper shows the transformation of the island into an enclave of Dutch Catholic culture.
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We analyzed juvenile anadromous alewife migration at Bride Lake, a coastal lake in Connecticut, during summer 2006 and found that migration on 24-hour and seasonal timescales was influenced by conditions of the environment and characteristics of the individual. To identify environmental cues of juvenile migration, we continuously video recorded fish at the lake outflow and employed information-theoretic model selection to identify the best predictors of daily migration rate. More than 80% of the approximately 320,000 juveniles that migrated from mid-June to mid-August departed in three pulses lasting one or two days. Pulses of migration were associated with precipitation events, transient decreases in water temperature and transient increases in stream discharge. Diel timing of migration shifted over the summer. Early in the season most migration occurred around dawn; late in the season migration occurred at night. To identify individual characteristics associated with migratory behavior, we compared migrating juveniles that we collected as they were exiting Bride Lake to non-migrating juveniles that we collected from the center of the lake. Migrants were a non-random subset of the population; they were on average 1 – 12 mm larger, 2 – 14 d older, had grown more rapidly (11% greater length-at-age), and were in better condition (14% greater mass-at-length) than non-migrant fish. We infer that the amount of accumulated energy has a positive effect on the net benefit of migration at any time in the migratory season.
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[Verfasser: Viṣṇuśarma]. Le tout traduit pour la première fois sur les originaux Indiens par M. l'Abbé J. A. Dubois
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The paradoxically low infant mortality rates for Mexican Americans in Texas have been attributed to inaccuracies in vital registration and idiosyncracies in Mexican migration in rural areas along the U.S.-Mexico border. This study examined infant (IMR), neonatal (NMR), and postneonatal (PNMR) mortality rates of Mexican Americans in an urban, non-border setting, using linked birth and death records of the 1974-75 single live birth cohort (N = 68,584) in Harris County, Texas, which includes the city of Houston and is reported to have nearly complete birth and death registration. The use of parental nativity with the traditional Spanish surname criterion made it possible to distinguish infants of Mexican-born immigrants from those of Blacks, Anglos, other Hispanics, and later-generation, more Anglicized Mexican Americans. Mortality rates were analyzed by ethnicity, parental nativity, and cause of death, with respect to birth weight, birth order, maternal age, legitimacy status, and time of first prenatal care.^ While overall IMRs showed Spanish surname rates slightly higher than Anglo rates, infants of Mexican-born immigrants had much lower NMRs than did Anglos, even for moderately low birth weight infants. However, among infants under 1500 grams, presumably unable to be discharged home in the neonatal period, Mexican Americans had the highest NMR. The inconsistency suggested unreported deaths for Mexican American low birth weight infants after hospital discharge. The PNMR of infants of Mexican immigrants was also lower than for Anglos, and the usual mortality differentials were reversed: high-risk categories of high birth order, high maternal age, and late/no prenatal care had the lowest PNMRs. Since these groups' characteristics are congruent with those of low-income migrants, the data suggested the possibility of migration losses. Cause of death analysis suggested that prematurity and birth injuries are greater problems than heretofore recognized among Mexican Americans, and that home births and "shoebox burials" may be unrecorded even in an urban setting.^ Caution is advised in the interpretation of infant mortality rates for a Spanish surname population of Mexican origin, even in an urban, non-border area with reportedly excellent birth and death registration. ^
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The purpose of the study was to describe regionalized systems of perinatal care serving predominantly low income Mexican-American women in rural underserved areas of Texas. The study focused upon ambulatory care; however, it provided a vehicle for examination of the health care system. The questions posed at the onset of the study included: (1) How well do regional organizations with various patterns of staffing and funding levels perform basic functions essential to ambulatory perinatal care? (2) Is there a relationship between the type of organization, its performance, and pregnancy outcome? (3) Are there specific recommendations which might improve an organization's future performance?^ A number of factors--including maldistribution of resources and providers, economic barriers, inadequate means of transportation, and physician resistance to transfer of patients between levels of care--have impeded the development of regionalized systems of perinatal health care, particularly in rural areas. However, studies have consistently emphasized the role of prenatal care in the early detection of risk and treatment of complications of pregnancy and childbirth, with subsequent improvement in pregnancy outcomes.^ This study has examined the "system" of perinatal care in rural areas, utilizing three basic regional models--preventive care, limited primary care, and fully primary care. Information documented in patient clinical records was utilized to compare the quality of ambulatory care provided in the three regional models.^ The study population included 390 women who received prenatal care in one of the seven study clinics. They were predominantly hispanic, married, of low income, with a high proportion of teenagers and women over 35. Twenty-eight percent of the women qualified as migrants.^ The major findings of the study are listed below: (1) Almost half of the women initiated care in the first trimester. (2) Three-fourths of the women had or exceeded the recommended number of prenatal visits. (3) There was a low rate of clinical problem recognition. Additional follow-up is needed to determine the reasons. (4) Cases with a tracer condition had significantly more visits with monitoring of the clinical condition. (5) Almost 90% of all referrals were completed. (6) Only 60% of mothers had postpartum follow-up, while almost 90% of their newborns received care. (7) The incidence of infants weighing 2500 grams or less was 4.2%. ^
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HANES 1 detailed sample data were used to operationalize a definition of health in the absence of disease and to describe and compare the characteristics of the normal (healthy) group versus an abnormal (unhealthy) group.^ Parallel screening gave a 3.8 percent prevalence proportion of physical health, with a female:male ratio of 2:1 and younger ages in the healthy group. Statistically significant Mantel-Haenszel gender-age-adjusted odds ratios (MHOR) were estimated among abnormal non-migrants (1.53), skilled workers/unemployed (1.76), annual family incomes of less than $10,000 (1.56), having ever smoked (1.58), and started smoking before 18 years of age (1.58). Significant MHOR were also found for abnormals for health promoting measures: non-iodized salt use (1.94), needed dental care (1.91); and for fair to poor perceived health (4.28), perceiving health problems (2.52), and low energy level (1.68). Significant protective effects for much to moderate recreational exercise (MHOR 0.42) and very active to moderate non-recreational activity (MHOR 0.49) were also obtained. Covariance analysis additive models detected statistically significant higher mean values for abnormals than normals for serum magnesium, hemoglobin, hematocrit, urinary creatinine, and systolic and diastolic blood pressures, and lower values for abnormals than normals for serum iron. No difference was detected for serum cholesterol. Significant non-additive joint effects were found for body mass index.^ The results suggest positive physical health can be measured with cross-sectional survey data. Gender differentials, and associations between ecologic, socioeconomic, hazardous risk factors, health promoting activities and physical health are in general agreement with published findings on studies of morbidity. Longitudinal prospective studies are suggested to establish the direction of the associations and to enhance present knowledge of health and its promoting factors. ^
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A partir de los cuentos “Artista de variedades", “La fábrica" y “Una partida de tenis" de Daniel Moyano, proponemos un análisis de las distintas “miradas" de la ciudad desde la perspectiva del migrante del interior. En la construcción textual del espacio urbano, surgida, sobre todo, a partir del uso del estilo indirecto libre, se pone en juego, también, la percepción de los personajes sobre sí mismos en ese nuevo espacio. Éstos, en un movimiento pendular, se interrogan sobre su propia identidad, que construyen y reconstruyen permanentemente a través del abandono de viejas imágenes de identificación relacionadas con el pueblo de origen y la incorporación de modelos nuevos propuestos por la ciudad.
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El desarrollo de la industria azucarera en la República Dominicana requirió mano de obra para el corte de caña y el trabajo en el ingenio. La dificultad en atraer trabajadores locales resultó en la contratación de obreros de las islas inglesas Anguila, St. Kitts, Antigua, Nevis, Tórtola, etc., donde el masivo desempleo provocado por la industrialización facilitaba el traslado de los isleños hacia las zafras dominicanas. En San Pedro de Macorís, lugar de su asentamiento, se los llamaba despectivamente “cocolos". Esta ponencia intenta estudiar la historia y delineación de estos obreros inmigrantes, su conducta, su idiosincrasia y modo de vida en el ingenio desde la narrativa dominicana del siglo XX. Las obras seleccionadas son un espejo del racismo, del rechazo cultural y de la explotación de los cocolos en el cañaveral. Cabe destacar que las novelas recientes asumen tardíamente una actitud reivindicatoria ante la ausencia de estudios críticos al respecto.