846 resultados para Interest points


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This paper investigates whether there is evidence of structural change in the Brazilian term structure of interest rates. Multivariate cointegration techniques are used to verify this evidence. Two econometrics models are estimated. The rst one is a Vector Autoregressive Model with Error Correction Mechanism (VECM) with smooth transition in the deterministic coe¢ cients (Ripatti and Saikkonen [25]). The second one is a VECM with abrupt structural change formulated by Hansen [13]. Two datasets were analysed. The rst one contains a nominal interest rate with maturity up to three years. The second data set focuses on maturity up to one year. The rst data set focuses on a sample period from 1995 to 2010 and the second from 1998 to 2010. The frequency is monthly. The estimated models suggest the existence of structural change in the Brazilian term structure. It was possible to document the existence of multiple regimes using both techniques for both databases. The risk premium for di¤erent spreads varied considerably during the earliest period of both samples and seemed to converge to stable and lower values at the end of the sample period. Long-term risk premiums seemed to converge to inter-national standards, although the Brazilian term structure is still subject to liquidity problems for longer maturities.

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A Análise Financeira dos Índices tem sido usada largamente, desde o fim do século passado na avaliação das demonstrações financeiras; no entanto, encontrou-se desacreditada por volta dos anos 60. Assim, por essa época, Beaver; baseando-se na literatura existente, testa empiricamente muitas crenças tidas como verdadeiras e chega a resultados diferentes. Para isso, utilizou-se de metodologia estatística univariada, isto é, analisou cada índice isoladamente. Altman refuta a metodologia usada por Beaver e cria um modelo utilizando se da estatística multivariada, isto é, vários Índices são estudados, estabelecendo um score limite. Outros autores, baseando-se nestes dois estudos, ora criticando, ora comparando, montam outros modelos. Assim temos: Deakin, Blum, Libby, Kennedy, Kanitz, Zappa, Collongues, Conan, Holder, C.E.S.A. e outros que não foram mencionados neste trabalho. Este estudo mostrou o trabalho de cada autor individualmente e, num segundo momento, apresentou críticas e comparações sofridas por esses modelos, procurando evidenciar que essas críticas e comparações serviram para estimular o desenvolvimento da Análise Financeira, a tal ponto que pode-se citar Altman que, devido a críticas e também ao seu interesse em atualizar os dados, reformula o seu modelo original (1968), criando o modelo Zeta (1977). A segunda preocupação deste trabalho foi evidenciar alguns pontos que puderam ser colhidos do material disponível. Assim, procurou-se responder quais os Índices que mais foram usados pelos modelos e, como conclusão, chegou-se a evidência de que não existem alguns poucos índices que melhor discriminem uma empresa falida e não falida. Outra indagação foi, se esses modelos serviriam para todos os tipos e tamanhos de empresas, e concluiu-se que servem, desde que o analista os adapte às suas necessidades peculiares. E, por fim, procurou-se verificar a que finalidade esses modelos podiam corresponder. E, assim, apontou-se a análise de crédito comercial, para investimento, para decisões internas, para compra e venda de ações etc. Conclui-se, pois, que os vários modelos desenvolvidos nestes últimos anos, realmente trouxeram progresso à Análise Financeira, mas que esses resultados devem ser cuidadosa mente adaptados às diversas realidades e mais, dado ao desenvolvimento de outras ciências, podem somar-se esforços com intuito de alcançar um maior desenvolvimento.

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Our main goal is to investigate the question of which interest-rate options valuation models are better suited to support the management of interest-rate risk. We use the German market to test seven spot-rate and forward-rate models with one and two factors for interest-rate warrants for the period from 1990 to 1993. We identify a one-factor forward-rate model and two spot-rate models with two faetors that are not significant1y outperformed by any of the other four models. Further rankings are possible if additional cri teria are applied.

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We provide in this paper a closed fonn for the Welfare Cost of Inflation which we prove to be closer than Bailey's expression to the correct solution of the corresponding non-separable differential equation. Next, we extend this approach to an economy with interest-bearing money, once again presenting a better appoximation than the one given by Bailey's approach. Finally, empirical estimates for Brazil are presented.

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This paper documents the empirical relation between the interest rates that emerging economies face in international capital markets and their business cycles. It shows that the patterns observed in the data can be interpreted as the equilibrium of a dynamic general equilibrium model of a small open economy, in which (i) firms have to pay for a fraction of the input bill before production takes place, and (ii) preferences generate a labor supply that is independent of the interest rate. In our sample, interest rates are strongly countercyclical, strongly positively correlated with net exports, and they lead the cycle. Output is very volatile and consumption is more volatile than output. The sample includes data for Argentina during 1983-2000 and for four other large emerging economies, Brazil, Mexico, Korea, and Philippines, during 1994-2000. The model is calibrated to Argentina’s economy for the period 1983-1999. When the model is fed with actual US interest rates and the actual default spreads of Argentine sovereign interest rates, interest rates alone can explain forty percent of output fluctuations. When simulated technology shocks are added to the model, it can account for the main empirical regularities of Argentina’s economy during the period. A 1% increase in country risk causes a contemporaneous fall in output of 0.5 ’subsequent recovery. An increase in US rates causes output to fall by the same on impact and by almost 2% two years after the shock. The asymetry in the effect of shocks to US rates and country risk is due to the fact that US interest rates are more persistent than country risk and that there is a significant spillover effect from US interest rates to country risk.

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Despite the difficulties involved in the precise determination of equilibrium real interest rates, it seems clear that nominal interest rates has been higher in Brazil than in similar emerging economies. This paper aims to shed light on the possible reasons for this feature of the Brazilian economy. We extend Miranda and Muinhos (2003) one-country study to a sample of 20 countries, using many methods to compare measures of the real interest: (i) extracting equilibrium interest rates from IS curves; (ii) extracting steady state interest rates from marginal product of capital; (iii) capturing relevant variables and the fixed effects having real interest rates as dependent variable in a panel for emerging countries; and (iv) extracting inflation expectation from the spread between fixed rate and inflation-indexed treasure notes.

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We evaluate the forecasting performance of a number of systems models of US shortand long-term interest rates. Non-linearities, induding asymmetries in the adjustment to equilibrium, are shown to result in more accurate short horizon forecasts. We find that both long and short rates respond to disequilibria in the spread in certain circumstances, which would not be evident from linear representations or from single-equation analyses of the short-term interest rate.

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We investigate the issue of whether there was a stable money demand function for Japan in 1990's using both aggregate and disaggregate time series data. The aggregate data appears to support the contention that there was no stable money demand function. The disaggregate data shows that there was a stable money demand function. Neither was there any indication of the presence of liquidity trapo Possible sources of discrepancy are explored and the diametrically opposite results between the aggregate and disaggregate analysis are attributed to the neglected heterogeneity among micro units. We also conduct simulation analysis to show that when heterogeneity among micro units is present. The prediction of aggregate outcomes, using aggregate data is less accurate than the prediction based on micro equations. Moreover. policy evaluation based on aggregate data can be grossly misleading.

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The research topic of this paper is focused on the analysis of how trade associations perceive lobbying in Brussels and in Brasília. The analysis will be centered on business associations located in Brasília and Brussels as the two core centers of decision-making and as an attraction for the lobbying practice. The underlying principles behind the comparison between Brussels and Brasilia are two. Firstof all because the European Union and Brazil have maintained diplomatic relations since 1960. Through these relations they have built up close historical, cultural, economic and political ties. Their bilateral political relations culminated in 2007 with the establishment of a Strategic Partnership (EEAS website,n.d.). Over the years, Brazil has become a key interlocutor for the EU and it is the most important market for the EU in Latin America (European Commission, 2007). Taking into account the relations between EU and Brazil, this research could contribute to the reciprocal knowledge about the perception of lobby in the respective systems and the importance of the non-market strategy when conducting business. Second both EU and Brazilian systems have a multi-level governance structure: 28 Member States in the EU and 26 Member States in Brazil; in both systems there are three main institutions targeted by lobbying practice. The objective is to compare how differences in the institutional environments affect the perception and practice of lobbying, where institutions are defined as ‘‘regulative, normative, and cognitive structures and activities that provide stability and meaning to social behavior’’ (Peng et al., 2009). Brussels, the self-proclaimed "Capital of Europe”, is the headquarters of the European Union and has one of the highest concentrations of political power in the world. Four of the seven Institutions of the European Union are based in Brussels: the European Parliament, the European Council, the Council and the European Commission (EU website, n.d.). As the power of the EU institutions has grown, Brussels has become a magnet for lobbyists, with the latest estimates ranging from between 15,000 and 30,000 professionals representing companies, industry sectors, farmers, civil society groups, unions etc. (Burson Marsteller, 2013). Brasília is the capital of Brazil and the seat of government of the Federal District and the three branches of the federal government of Brazilian legislative, executive and judiciary. The 4 city also hosts 124 foreign embassies. The presence of the formal representations of companies and trade associations in Brasília is very limited, but the governmental interests remain there and the professionals dealing with government affairs commute there. In the European Union, Brussels has established a Transparency Register that allows the interactions between the European institutions and citizen’s associations, NGOs, businesses, trade and professional organizations, trade unions and think tanks. The register provides citizens with a direct and single access to information about who is engaged in This process is important for the quality of democracy, and for its capacity to deliver adequate policies, matching activities aimed at influencing the EU decision-making process, which interests are being pursued and what level of resources are invested in these activities (Celgene, n.d). It offers a single code of conduct, binding all organizations and self-employed individuals who accept to “play by the rules” in full respect of ethical principles (EC website, n.d). A complaints and sanctions mechanism ensures the enforcement of the rules and addresses suspected breaches of the code. In Brazil, there is no specific legislation regulating lobbying. The National Congress is currently discussing dozens of bills that address regulation of lobbying and the action of interest groups (De Aragão, 2012), but none of them has been enacted for the moment. This work will focus on class lobbying (Oliveira, 2004), which refers to the performance of the federation of national labour or industrial unions, like CNI (National Industry Confederation) in Brazil and the European Banking Federation (EBF) in Brussels. Their performance aims to influence the Executive and Legislative branches in order to defend the interests of their affiliates. When representing unions and federations, class entities cover a wide range of different and, more often than not, conflicting interests. That is why they are limited to defending the consensual and majority interest of their affiliates (Oliveira, 2004). The basic assumption of this work is that institutions matter (Peng et al, 2009) and that the trade associations and their affiliates, when doing business, have to take into account the institutional and regulatory framework where they do business.

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Though many of those who decided to report wrongdoings in their organizations were able to tell their stories (e.g. Bamford, 2014, Armenakis 2004), it is fair to say that there is still much left to uncover. The paper aims to contribute to the literature in three ways. First, it provides preliminary evidence that the wrongdoing linked with individual financial loss leads to higher whistleblowing rate. Secondly, it shows how the experience of anger is related to the higher likelihood to report the wrongdoer but only if the wrongful act is perceived as a cause of one’s financial loss. Finally, the paper establishes first steps for the future development of an experimental procedure that would enable to predict, and measure whistleblowing behavior in the lab environment.

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Esta pesquisa se propôs a investigar a gestão pública da 20ª edição da Copa do Mundo FIFA, realizada no Brasil em 2014. Contestada popularmente por milhares de brasileiros, o megaevento esportivo teve suas contradições, principalmente em relação aos altos gastos públicos e à lucrativa participação da Federação Internacional de Futebol (FIFA). Durante os seus preparativos e realização, aconteceu um dos mais duradouros ciclos de protestos da história recente do Brasil, o que destaca a insatisfação de muitos brasileiros em relação aos investimentos dos governos federal, estaduais e municipais para a sua realização. Com recorte mais aprofundado para a gestão do megaevento na cidade de São Paulo, o trabalho procurou compreender os acordos entre as partes e analisar a relação entre as instituições – a FIFA e os Governos – na operacionalização e decisões sobre o megaevento. Além disso, destaca as interfaces estabelecidas entre governos e a sociedade civil, em sua diversidade identificada empiricamente, e aprofunda nas inflexões das reivindicações populares e protestos na gestão do megaevento pela prefeitura paulistana. O estudo é um estudo de caso único e, portanto, foi realizado com métodos qualitativos de pesquisa. Foram utilizadas fontes múltiplas de coleta que possibilitaram a triangulação dos dados obtidos e o aumento da validade dos resultados. Foram feitas observações diretas durante os protestos e na região de impacto dos empreendimentos da Copa, coleta em documentos oficiais, legislações, atas, contratos e matérias jornalísticas e entrevistas com atores-chave dos governos federal e municipal, com ativistas e manifestantes, líderes comunitários e representantes de organizações da sociedade civil. A pesquisa apontou que os megaeventos esportivos são um importante tema de pesquisa pelo mundo e têm se revelado como uma relevante preocupação em países em desenvolvimento, além de terem se tornado um importante instrumento político para a promoção da imagem dos países-sede no exterior e para a projeção de partidos nos territórios nacionais. Seus resultados destacam a formação de campos antagônicos entre governos e sociedade civil e a formação de arenas de conflito também entre os atores sociais. Embora haja visto alguns esforços pela transparência da gestão, não se pode dizer que a Copa do Mundo no Brasil teve nível ideal de transparência, tampouco de participação social. Se por um lado houve esforços para se aprimorar a transparência, por outro, os canais de participação social instituídos não expressaram relevância para a gestão pública do megaevento. As interfaces entre governos e a sociedade civil foram identificadas, assim como seus efeitos e inflexões sobre a gestão do mundial. A principal interface destacada se deu no nível da rua e se afirmou na forma do enfrentamento entre manifestantes e a polícia. A segunda mais evidente se consolidou na negociação direta entre comunitários vulneráveis às obras da Copa e gestores municipais. Os efeitos dos protestos de rua sobre a ação dos governos se destacou na atividade policial, que usou a violência e a repressão como principais respostas ao conjunto de manifestações, e na criação de espaços de negociação direta com as comunidades, este influenciado mais diretamente pela formação de grupos de reivindicação, como o Comitê Popular da Copa, e pela resistência da própria comunidade. A gestão da Copa do Mundo no Brasil foi complexa e evidenciou, do ponto de vista das relações federativas, alguns problemas entre município, estado e União, que tratam da coordenação de programas, políticas ou ações, neste caso, um megaevento esportivo, de gestão compartilhada. O caso aponta dissonâncias e desalinhamentos entre governo federal, estadual e municipal sobre as práticas de diálogo, negociação, transparência e participação social. A pesquisa destaca a formação de um conjunto social mais atento, crítico e politizado, que reivindica, contesta e ocupa as ruas demonstrando sua insatisfação com governos, sistemas políticos e formas de representação. Aponta para resultados mais tangíveis e relações mais harmônicas entre governos e população quando são implementadas formas alternativas de participação e envolvimento social, sobretudo espaços e processos em que há lugar para a negociação e inserção da sociedade civil nos processos decisórios

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Attanasio et al. (JPE, 2002) have used microeconomic data on households to provide new estimates of the welfare costs of infiation using Bailey's unidimensional welfare measure as a basis for their calculations. Such a measure does not properly take into consideration lhe fact that the majority of households in their sample (58.7 percent) holds not only bank deposits and currency, but also a second type of interest-bearing assct. This work devises alternative formulas which account for the existence of bank deposits and a sccond interest-bearing asset in the economy, as well as for adoption decisions regarding alternative financiai technologies.

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A novel analytical approach, based on a miniaturized extraction technique, the microextraction by packed sorbent (MEPS), followed by ultrahigh pressure liquid chromatography (UHPLC) separation combined with a photodiode array (PDA) detection, has been developed and validated for the quantitative determination of sixteen biologically active phenolic constituents of wine. In addition to performing routine experiments to establish the validity of the assay to internationally accepted criteria (linearity, sensitivity, selectivity, precision, accuracy), experiments are included to assess the effect of the important experimental parameters on the MEPS performance such as the type of sorbent material (C2, C8, C18, SIL, and M1), number of extraction cycles (extract-discard), elution volume, sample volume, and ethanol content, were studied. The optimal conditions of MEPS extraction were obtained using C8 sorbent and small sample volumes (250 μL) in five extraction cycle and in a short time period (about 5 min for the entire sample preparation step). The wine bioactive phenolics were eluted by 250 μL of the mixture containing 95% methanol and 5% water, and the separation was carried out on a HSS T3 analytical column (100 mm × 2.1 mm, 1.8 μm particle size) using a binary mobile phase composed of aqueous 0.1% formic acid (eluent A) and methanol (eluent B) in the gradient elution mode (10 min of total analysis). The method gave satisfactory results in terms of linearity with r2-values > 0.9986 within the established concentration range. The LOD varied from 85 ng mL−1 (ferulic acid) to 0.32 μg mL−1 ((+)-catechin), whereas the LOQ values from 0.028 μg mL−1 (ferulic acid) to 1.08 μg mL−1 ((+)-catechin). Typical recoveries ranged between 81.1 and 99.6% for red wines and between 77.1 and 99.3% for white wines, with relative standard deviations (RSD) no larger than 10%. The extraction yields of the MEPSC8/UHPLC–PDA methodology were found between 78.1 (syringic acid) and 99.6% (o-coumaric acid) for red wines and between 76.2 and 99.1% for white wines. The inter-day precision, expressed as the relative standard deviation (RSD%), varied between 0.2% (p-coumaric and o-coumaric acids) and 7.5% (gentisic acid) while the intra-day precision between 0.2% (o-coumaric and cinnamic acids) and 4.7% (gallic acid and (−)-epicatechin). On the basis of analytical validation, it is shown that the MEPSC8/UHPLC–PDA methodology proves to be an improved, reliable, and ultra-fast approach for wine bioactive phenolics analysis, because of its capability for determining simultaneously in a single chromatographic run several bioactive metabolites with high sensitivity, selectivity and resolving power within only 10 min. Preliminary studies have been carried out on 34 real whole wine samples, in order to assess the performance of the described procedure. The new approach offers decreased sample preparation and analysis time, and moreover is cheaper, more environmentally friendly and easier to perform as compared to traditional methodologies.

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From the end of the 80s, the Brazilian higher education experience strong growth, coming from the private sector, which would intensify further in the late 90th Higher education has become a lucrative business. With a drop in the number of students entering and strong competition, the number of idle places in private institutions of higher education reached 49.5% in 2004. That same year, by Measure, was the University for All Program (PROUNI) program, to include high school students from public higher education, offering scholarships to those students in private HEIs. In exchange, the IES gain tax exemption. The objective of this research is to investigate the game of interest occurred in the formulation of this program and identify the model and the political game and has led to the creation of PROUNI, analyzing the process occurred since the wording of a bill, the issue of Measure Law and that the legitimacy PROUNI, with the most important changes made initial model. Since the first draft of the Law to the final Act, the PROUNI was disfigured in its main points, as the percentage of stock for paying students, the process of selection of stock and bond of the IES program. Throughout the process of creating the program, it is quite clear the performance of the institutions representing the private higher education. As reference for the analysis was based on Rational Choice Theory of Political Science. The basic argument of the methods based on rational choice is the maximization of the benefit will be the main motivation of individuals, but they can give that your goals can be achieved more effectively through institutional action and thereby discover that their conduct is shaped by institutions. Thus, individuals rationally choose to get to a certain extent constrained to join in certain institutions, whether voluntarily or not. The PROUNI was submitted by government and public policy covered by the mystical aura of the discourse of social justice and economic development, as in higher education includes a stratum of people who would not have access to the university, due to restrictions in the supply network public higher education. However, the greatest benefit from the program are the private HEIs, which through a difficult time in a scenario marked by high competition and idleness of nearly half of the vacancies offered. The PROUNI became a program that prioritizes access and not the residence of the student to higher education. More serious than a supporting program for students Fellows is a program supporting the institutions of private education