La fictohistoria o historiografía imaginaria en las literaturas románicas desde el siglo XIX: ensayo de tipología y panorama de un género formal insospechado (II)

El doble aspecto documental y artístico de la escritura de la historia ha quedado prácticamente oculto por la insistencia en el carácter científico de la disciplina y su expulsión subsiguiente del canon literario desde el siglo XIX. El cultivo de la historiografía ficticia o imaginaria (fictohistoria) surgió entonces como un modo de salvar la literariedad de la historia, en su calidad de género formal, mediante el uso del discurso historiográfico como procedimiento retórico para conseguir un efecto de historicidad en textos que son, no obstante, claramente ficticios, y que tienen a menudo un carácter satírico o admonitorio. Esto no está reñido con el hecho de que la mayoría manifieste en primer lugar una reflexión sobre el devenir de la humanidad, es decir, sobre la Historia. Los ejemplos de este género son relativamente abundantes y se pueden clasificar en varias categorías temáticas. Esta segunda parte del estudio se centra en la historia prospectiva.

What Moved Share Prices in the Nineteenth-Century London Stock Market?

Using a new weekly blue-chip index, this paper investigates the causes of stock price movements on the London market between 1823 and 1870. We find that economic fundamentals explain about 15 per cent of weekly and 34 per cent of monthly variation in share prices. Contemporary press reporting from the London Stock Exchange is used to ascertain what market participants thought were causing the largest movements on the market. The vast majority of large movements were attributed by the press to geopolitical, monetary, railway-sector, and financial-crisis news. Investigating the stock price changes on an independent list of events reaffirms these findings, suggesting that the most important specific events which moved markets were wars involving European powers.

A Sustainable Century? Genuine Savings in developing and developed countries, 1900-2000

This chapter traces the long-run development of Genuine Savings (GS) using a panel of eleven countries during the twentieth century. This panel covers a number of developed countries (Great Britain, Germany, Switzerland, France, the US, and Australia) as well as a set of resource-abundant countries in Latin America (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and Mexico). These countries represent approximately 50 percent of the world’s output in terms of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) by 1950, and include large economies and small open economies, and resource-rich and resource-scarce countries, thus allowing us to compare their historical experiences. Components of GS considered include physical and human capital as well as resource extraction and pollution damages. Generally, we find evidence of positive GS over the course of the twentieth century, although the two World Wars and the Great Depression left considerable marks. Also, we found striking differences between Latin American and developed countries when Total Factor Productivity (TFP) is included; this could be a signal of natural resource curse or technological gaps unnoticed in previous works.

Réception de l’Histoire des colonies grecques dans la littérature coloniale des XVIIe-XVIIIe siècles

L’objectif de ce travail était d’apporter une réflexion sur les influences du colonialisme européen aux XVII-XVIIIe siècles. Ayant déjà rédigé mon mémoire de fin de maîtrise sur la Corinthe archaïque et ses colonies, j’ai souhaité approfondir la question, en choisissant de situer la problématique dans un contexte historiographique plus large, dans le temps comme dans l’espace. Plusieurs auteurs se sont intéressés aux réceptions de l’Antiquité à des périodes spécifiques (Grell et Alexandre le Grand en France, Richard et les influences antiques de la Révolution américaine,…). Cependant, aucune analyse sur le long terme n’avait encore été fournie, pas davantage qu’une réflexion de fonds sur la place de l’Antiquité dans la manière de penser les colonies en Europe moderne. Cet état de fait, de même que la relative rareté des sources modernes traitant des colonies grecques, m’ont obligé à élargir au maximum le champ de recherche, en y incluant des auteurs qui, s’ils ne se préoccupèrent pas de colonisation, recoururent néanmoins au précédent grec pour illustrer des problématiques de leur temps. Toutefois, il est possible de constater à quel point les répertoires historiographiques concernant la Grèce antique et ses colonisations se sont développés dans le courant de ces deux siècles qui virent l’apogée et la chute des premiers empires coloniaux européens en Amérique du nord. Si la comparaison à l’Histoire grecque ne relevait souvent que du Topos et de la propagande (comme dans le cas de la comparaison du Grand Condé ou de Louis XIV à Alexandre le Grand), son utilisation dans le cadre de controverses à plus large échelle outrepassait aussi le seul lieu commun pour s’inscrire dans un discours rhétorique plus approfondi. Le choix de la colonisation grecque comme modèle de comparaison s’imposait d’autant plus logiquement que les divers auteurs, depuis les premiers colons jusqu’aux pères fondateurs américains, insistaient sur les mérites économiques des colonies européennes. D’autres régimes, comme l’empire espagnol au XVIe siècle ou l’empire britannique au XIXe siècle, ont davantage recouru à une terminologie d’inspiration romaine. En effet, leur politique se fondait plus sur l’idée d’une extension impérialiste de l’État que sur une vision commerciale du colonialisme. L’article de Krishan Kumar demeure l’un des plus importants sur la question. La réception de l’Histoire des colonies grecques aux Temps modernes fut avant tout le fruit d’une tentative de définition du colonialisme comme phénomène global, et d’une volonté de situer les nations européennes dans un contexte remontant aux origines de l’Occident. À l’heure où l’Europe amorçait sa domination sur la totalité de la planète, et où la course à la colonisation s’accélérait, la majorité des auteurs s’abritaient derrière l’image de thalassocraties antiques qui, si elles ne dénotaient pas un pouvoir politique centralisé, n’en contribuèrent pas moins à imposer la culture fondatrice de la pensée occidentale à tout le bassin méditerranéen. Quant aux guerres qui poussèrent les puissances antiques les unes contre les autres, elles ne faisaient qu’augurer des conflits à large échelle que furent les guerres franco-britanniques du XVIIIe siècle.

De la mémoire de l’histoire à la refonte des encyclopédies: médiations symboliques du roman francophone

Cette recherche porte sur dix romans d’auteurs francophones : Monnè, outrages et défis, d’Ahmadou Kourouma ; La mère du printemps et Naissance à l’aube, de Driss Chraïbi ; L’escargot entêté et Les 1001 années de nostalgie, de Rachid Boudjedra ; La déchirure et Le régiment noir, d’Henry Bauchau ; Prochain épisode, Trou de mémoire et L’antiphonaire, d’Hubert Aquin. Au-delà des différences sociohistoriques de leurs origines, les œuvres accusent des fortes similitudes tant au niveau de l’écriture qu’au plan de leur thématique. Nourries – pour la plupart – de l’expérience de vie des auteurs, elles s’ancrent dans l’époque ou convoquent les événements du passé (invasions, colonisation, guerres, résistances) afin de produire une intelligence de l’Histoire. Par métonymisation, cette dernière s’incarne dans un « Je » narrateur halluciné, blessé à l’origine et psychologiquement décomposé, qui engage désespérement l’écriture pour dire son mal être et, peut-être s’en guérir. La fiction de soi sert de moyen pour écrire l’Histoire et celle-ci se confond avec le récit, le discours sur le roman en train de s’écrire tendant à devenir l’objet même de la narration. Dans une autre perspective, prenant le détour de l’allégorie, les textes montrent à travers des événements plus anciens, même vécus ailleurs, des motifs et des figures qui illustrent le mécanisme cyclique, les modes de fabrication de l’Histoire, et témoignent de la résistance des peuples ainsi que de leurs stratégies de survie. Par une approche herméneutique, s’inspirant aussi du paradigme de « mort et naissance » à l’aune duquel Pierre Nepveu lit la littérature québécoise, cette analyse met en lumière la médiation symbolique à l’œuvre dans les romans. Tout en mettant en scène la déshérence des sujets (individuels ou collectifs) et l’impasse historique, ils proposent d’inventer des voies de dépassement. En montrant que les fausses évidences et tout « ce-qui-va-de-soi » dans les imaginaires ont été à l’origine choisis et fabriqués en réponse à des besoins contingents, les fictions du roman francophone attirent notre attention sur un principe majeur de regénération des mondes : une tradition, une culture, une civilisation s’invente ; précisément, elle invente le temps et, inversement, le temps la réinvente.

The LESCHI Murder Trial as Transcribed from the Official Court Ledger, 2nd Judicial District, Wash. Terr., 1856 - 1858

Prepared March 1, 2001 by Sherburne F. Cook, Jr. The official Court Proceedings of the second and third sentencing are recorded in the official Court Ledger for the 2nd Judicial District; Olympia, Thurston County, W.T., from which the following transcription has been taken. The Ledger picks up the Trial action on March 18, 1857.

CIVIL WAR SETTLEMENTS AND COMBATANTS’ BEHAVIORS: STRATEGY, PERCEPTION, AND REPUTATION

Three projects in my dissertation focus on the termination of internal conflicts based on three critical factors: a combatant’s bargaining strategy, perceptions of relative capabilities, and reputation for toughness. My dissertation aims to provide the relevant theoretical framework to understand war termination beyond the simple two-party bargaining context. The first project focuses on the government’s strategic use of peace agreements. The first project suggests that peace can also be designed strategically to create a better bargain in the near future by changing the current power balance, and thus the timing and nature of peace is not solely a function of overcoming current barriers to successful bargaining. As long as the government has no overwhelming capability to defeat all rebel groups simultaneously, it needs to keep multiple rebel groups as divided as possible. This strategic partial peace helps to deter multiple rebel groups from collaborating in the battlefield and increases the chances of victory against non-signatories. The second project deals with combatants’ perceptions of relative capabilities. While bargaining theories of war suggest that war ends when combatants share a similar perception about their relative capabilities, combatants’ perceptions about relative capabilities are not often homogeneous. While focusing on information problems, this paper examines when a rebel group underestimates the government’s supremacy in relative capabilities and how this heterogeneous perception about the power gap influences negotiated settlements. The third project deals with the tension between different types of reputations in the context of civil wars: 1) a reputation for resolve and 2) a reputation for keeping human rights standards. In the context of civil wars, the use of indiscriminate violence by the government is costly, and as such, it signals the government’s toughness (or resolve) to rebel groups. I argue that the rebels are more likely to accept the government’s offer when the government recently engaged in indiscriminate violence against civilians during the conflict. This effect, however, is conditional on the government’s international human rights reputation; suggesting that rebel groups interpret this violence as a signal particularly when the government does not have a penchant for attacking civilians in general.

Reproducing Women: Female Bodily Narratives and English Patriarchies, 1600-1660

During the early Stuart period, England’s return to male monarchal rule resulted in the emergence of a political analogy that understood the authority of the monarch to be rooted in the “natural” authority of the father; consequently, the mother’s authoritative role within the family was repressed. As the literature of the period recognized, however, there would be no family unit for the father to lead without the words and bodies of women to make narratives of dynasty and legitimacy possible. Early modern discourse reveals that the reproductive roles of men and women, and the social hierarchies that grow out of them, are as much a matter of human design as of divine or natural law. Moreover, despite the attempts of James I and Charles I to strengthen royal patriarchal authority, the role of the monarch was repeatedly challenged on stage and in print even prior to the British Civil Wars and the 1649 beheading of Charles I. Texts produced at moments of political crisis reveal how women could uphold the legitimacy of familial and political hierarchies, but they also disclose patriarchy’s limits by representing “natural” male authority as depending in part on women’s discursive control over their bodies. Due to the epistemological instability of the female reproductive body, women play a privileged interpretive role in constructing patriarchal identities. The dearth of definitive knowledge about the female body during this period, and the consequent inability to fix or stabilize somatic meaning, led to the proliferation of differing, and frequently contradictory, depictions of women’s bodies. The female body became a site of contested meaning in early modern discourse, with men and women struggling for dominance, and competitors so diverse as to include kings, midwives, scholars of anatomy, and female religious sectarians. Essentially, this competition came down to a question of where to locate somatic meaning: In the opaque, uncertain bodies of women? In women’s equally uncertain and unreliable words? In the often contradictory claims of various male-authored medical treatises? In the whispered conversations that took place between women behind the closed doors of birthing rooms? My dissertation traces this representational instability through plays by William Shakespeare, John Ford, Thomas Middleton, and William Rowley, as well as in monstrous birth pamphlets, medical treatises, legal documents, histories, satires, and ballads. In these texts, the stories women tell about and through their bodies challenge and often supersede male epistemological control. These stories, which I term female bodily narratives, allow women to participate in defining patriarchal authority at the levels of both the family and the state. After laying out these controversies and instabilities surrounding early modern women’s bodies in my first chapter, my remaining chapters analyze the impact of women’s words on four distinct but overlapping reproductive issues: virginity, pregnancy, birthing room rituals, and paternity. In chapters 2 and 3, I reveal how women construct the inner, unseen “truths” of their reproductive bodies through speech and performance, and in doing so challenge the traditional forms of male authority that depend on these very constructions for coherence. Chapter 2 analyzes virginity in Thomas Middleton and William Rowley’s play The Changeling (1622) and in texts documenting the 1613 Essex divorce, during which Frances Howard, like Beatrice-Joanna in the play, was required to undergo a virginity test. These texts demonstrate that a woman’s ability to feign virginity could allow her to undermine patriarchal authority within the family and the state, even as they reveal how men relied on women to represent their reproductive bodies in socially stabilizing ways. During the British Civil Wars and Interregnum (1642-1660), Parliamentary writers used Howard as an example of how the unruly words and bodies of women could disrupt and transform state politics by influencing court faction; in doing so, they also revealed how female bodily narratives could help recast political historiography. In chapter 3, I investigate depictions of pregnancy in John Ford’s tragedy, ‘Tis Pity She’s a Whore (1633) and in early modern medical treatises from 1604 to 1651. Although medical texts claim to convey definitive knowledge about the female reproductive body, in actuality male knowledge frequently hinged on the ways women chose to interpret the unstable physical indicators of pregnancy. In Ford’s play, Annabella and Putana take advantage of male ignorance in order to conceal Annabella’s incestuous, illegitimate pregnancy from her father and husband, thus raising fears about women’s ability to misrepresent their bodies. Since medical treatises often frame the conception of healthy, legitimate offspring as a matter of national importance, women’s ability to conceal or even terminate their pregnancies could weaken both the patriarchal family and the patriarchal state that the family helped found. Chapters 4 and 5 broaden the socio-political ramifications of women’s words and bodies by demonstrating how female bodily narratives are required to establish paternity and legitimacy, and thus help shape patriarchal authority at multiple social levels. In chapter 4, I study representations of birthing room gossip in Thomas Middleton’s play, A Chaste Maid in Cheapside (1613), and in three Mistris Parliament pamphlets (1648) that satirize parliamentary power. Across these texts, women’s birthing room “gossip” comments on and critiques such issues as men’s behavior towards their wives and children, the proper use of household funds, the finer points of religious ritual, and even the limits of the authority of the monarch. The collective speech of the female-dominated birthing room thus proves central not only to attributing paternity to particular men, but also to the consequent definition and establishment of the political, socio-economic, and domestic roles of patriarchy. Chapter 5 examines anxieties about paternity in William Shakespeare’s The Winter’s Tale (1611) and in early modern monstrous birth pamphlets from 1600 to 1647, in which children born with congenital deformities are explained as God’s punishment for the sexual, religious, and/or political transgressions of their parents or communities. Both the play and the pamphlets explore the formative/deformative power of women’s words and bodies over their offspring, a power that could obscure a father’s connection to his children. However, although the pamphlets attempt to contain and discipline women’s unruly words and bodies with the force of male authority, the play reveals the dangers of male tyranny and the crucial role of maternal authority in reproducing and authenticating dynastic continuity and royal legitimacy. My emphasis on the socio-political impact of women’s self-representation distinguishes my work from that of scholars such as Mary Fissell and Julie Crawford, who claim that early modern beliefs about the female reproductive body influenced textual depictions of major religious and political events, but give little sustained attention to the role female speech plays in these representations. In contrast, my dissertation reveals that in such texts, patriarchal society relies precisely on the words women speak about their own and other women’s bodies. Ultimately, I argue that female bodily narratives were crucial in shaping early modern culture, and they are equally crucial to our critical understanding of sexual and state politics in the literature of the period.

The Sparta and the Athens Of Our Age At Daggers Drawn: Polities, Perceptions, and Peace

While historically notions of democracy have varied widely, democratic peace theory has generally defined it in procedural terms. This article takes a close look at the Anglo-French confrontation of 1840. I show that while leaders on both sides were prepared to risk war to gain bargaining advantages, only the French left really wanted to fight. Why? By today's criteria, Britain was incontestably more democratic, with its monarch's powers far more restricted and its suffrage several times as large. Nevertheless, both sides considered France more democratic, with French republicans despising Britain as an aristocratic oligarchy. While Spencer Weart is right to argue that democratic republics may be hostile to oligarchic ones, they will not necessarily define each other according to modern procedural criteria. Instead, they may judge regimes by the broader social structures that shape power relationships and by outcomes, possibly explaining wars or near misses between democracies.

Clydebank in the inter-war years: a study in economic and social change

The main theme of this thesis is the social, economic and political response of a single community to economic dislocation in the interwar years. The community under consideration is Clydebank., The thesis is divided into several parts. Part I establishes the development of the burgh and considers the physical framework of the community, mainly in the years before 1919. The town's characteristics are examined in terms of population structure and development between the world wars. In the last part of this section there is a review of the economic structure of the burgh and changes occurring in it between 1919 and 1939. In Part II consideration is given to the actual extent and form of the unemployment affecting Clydebank at this time, and comparison is made with other communities and geographic/economic areas. Attention is then focussed more narrowly on the actual individuals suffering unemployment in the burgh during the 1930s, in an attempt to personalise the experience of the unemployed. Part III reviews central and local government responses to the situation in which Clydebank found itself oetween 1919 and 1939. Central government policies discussed include unemployment insurance, public works, the Special Areas legislation, assistance in the construction of the 534 "Queen Mary" and the direction of financial support to areas of particular need. Amongst local authority actions described are additional local support for the poor, public works, efforts to attract new industry to the town, attempts to deal with the housing problem which was particularly acute at times of high unemployment and measures to maintain health standards in the community. In Part IV the responses of the community to unemployment and government policies are detailed. The burgh's commercial sector is surveyed as are developments in leisure provision, religion, temperance and crime, and local politics. A number of individual responses are also given consideration such as migration, commuting, changes in birth and marriage rates and suicide.

The Descent of Pluto: Interactive dynamics, specialisation and reciprocity of roles in a Wikipedia debate

International audience

The symbolic, socio-economic and exchange value of Imperial German and National Socialist medals and badges, 1701 to the present

This thesis examines the manufacture, use, exchange (including gift exchange), collecting and commodification of German medals and badges from the early 18th century until the present-day, with particular attention being given to the symbols that were deployed by the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) between 1919 and 1945. It does so by focusing in particular on the construction of value through insignia, and how such badges and their symbolic and monetary value changed over time. In order to achieve this, the thesis adopts a chronological structure, which encompasses the creation of Prussia in 1701, the Napoleonic wars and the increased democratisation of military awards such as the Iron Cross during the Great War. The collapse of the Kaiserreich in 1918 was the major factor that led to the creation of the NSDAP under the eventual strangle-hold of Hitler, a fundamentally racist and anti-Semitic movement that continued the German tradition of awarding and wearing badges. The traditional symbols of Imperial Germany, such as the eagle, were then infused with the swastika, an emblem that was meant to signify anti-Semitism, thus creating a hybrid identity. This combination was then replicated en-masse, and eventually eclipsed all the symbols that had possessed symbolic significance in Germany’s past. After Hitler was appointed Chancellor in 1933, millions of medals and badges were produced in an effort to create a racially based “People’s Community”, but the steel and iron that were required for munitions eventually led to substitute materials being utilised and developed in order to manufacture millions of politically oriented badges. The Second World War unleashed Nazi terror across Europe, and the conscripts and volunteers who took part in this fight for living-space were rewarded with medals that were modelled on those that had been instituted during Imperial times. The colonial conquest and occupation of the East by the Wehrmacht, the Order Police and the Waffen-SS surpassed the brutality of former wars that finally culminated in the Holocaust, and some of these horrific crimes and the perpetrators of them were perversely rewarded with medals and badges. Despite Nazism being thoroughly discredited, many of the Allied soldiers who occupied Germany took part in the age-old practice of obtaining trophies of war, which reconfigured the meaning of Nazi badges as souvenirs, and began the process of their increased commodification on an emerging secondary collectors’ market. In order to analyse the dynamics of this market, a “basket” of badges is examined that enables a discussion of the role that aesthetics, scarcity and authenticity have in determining the price of the artefacts. In summary, this thesis demonstrates how the symbolic, socio-economic and exchange value of German military and political medals and badges has changed substantially over time, provides a stimulus for scholars to conduct research in this under-developed area, and encourages collectors to investigate the artefacts that they collect in a more historically contextualised manner.

Between Nation and State: Albanian Associations from Ottoman Origins to a Communist Party, 1880 - 1945

This dissertation addresses the broader antecedents of the Communist Party of Albania (CPA) as one of a number of associations whose experience was central to Albanian political history. This long experience dates back to the informal national associations formed in the Ottoman Empire of the late nineteenth century. The dissertation examines the role of these associations which, pursuing language rights and political representation through imperial state reforms, set a pattern that struggled to connect nation and state, rather than asserting the territorial demands for a nation-state familiar across the region. Starting out in the Ottoman Empire, but then maturing in the Albanian diaspora in Romania, Bulgaria, Egypt and the United States, this dissertation shows politically significant processes of longer-term adaptation that created informal associations as institutional structures able to channel collective action. It then traces the reframing of these patterns through their destruction in the Balkan Wars and the First World War to the emergence of communist associations in the interwar period and beyond. This dissertation is a sustained study that traces long-term Ottoman imperial political legacies in the Albanian successor state. The story of the associations, based on hitherto unexamined archival documents, shows that the Albanians possessed a far greater capacity for political mobilization that previously acknowledged by historians. Moreover, the dissertation successfully challenges the conventional wisdom that portrays the Albanians as irreparably divided along sectarian and regional faultlines. It finds that Albanian national activism was civic in character rather than ethnic as elsewhere in the Balkans. The Albanians fought to remain within a multinational framework because this afforded them political security, social advancement and potential economic growth. In the late Ottoman period, this political objective was manifested in the acceptance of the supranational imperial order whereas during the Second World War, in the aspiration to become members of the Comintern internationalist movement. Another important find, is the newly-discovered evidence concerning the founding of the CPA and its wartime conduct as an organization created and led by the Albanians themselves, albeit with Yugoslav ideological assistance under the transnational umbrella of the Comintern.

Réception de l’Histoire des colonies grecques dans la littérature coloniale des XVIIe-XVIIIe siècles

L’objectif de ce travail était d’apporter une réflexion sur les influences du colonialisme européen aux XVII-XVIIIe siècles. Ayant déjà rédigé mon mémoire de fin de maîtrise sur la Corinthe archaïque et ses colonies, j’ai souhaité approfondir la question, en choisissant de situer la problématique dans un contexte historiographique plus large, dans le temps comme dans l’espace. Plusieurs auteurs se sont intéressés aux réceptions de l’Antiquité à des périodes spécifiques (Grell et Alexandre le Grand en France, Richard et les influences antiques de la Révolution américaine,…). Cependant, aucune analyse sur le long terme n’avait encore été fournie, pas davantage qu’une réflexion de fonds sur la place de l’Antiquité dans la manière de penser les colonies en Europe moderne. Cet état de fait, de même que la relative rareté des sources modernes traitant des colonies grecques, m’ont obligé à élargir au maximum le champ de recherche, en y incluant des auteurs qui, s’ils ne se préoccupèrent pas de colonisation, recoururent néanmoins au précédent grec pour illustrer des problématiques de leur temps. Toutefois, il est possible de constater à quel point les répertoires historiographiques concernant la Grèce antique et ses colonisations se sont développés dans le courant de ces deux siècles qui virent l’apogée et la chute des premiers empires coloniaux européens en Amérique du nord. Si la comparaison à l’Histoire grecque ne relevait souvent que du Topos et de la propagande (comme dans le cas de la comparaison du Grand Condé ou de Louis XIV à Alexandre le Grand), son utilisation dans le cadre de controverses à plus large échelle outrepassait aussi le seul lieu commun pour s’inscrire dans un discours rhétorique plus approfondi. Le choix de la colonisation grecque comme modèle de comparaison s’imposait d’autant plus logiquement que les divers auteurs, depuis les premiers colons jusqu’aux pères fondateurs américains, insistaient sur les mérites économiques des colonies européennes. D’autres régimes, comme l’empire espagnol au XVIe siècle ou l’empire britannique au XIXe siècle, ont davantage recouru à une terminologie d’inspiration romaine. En effet, leur politique se fondait plus sur l’idée d’une extension impérialiste de l’État que sur une vision commerciale du colonialisme. L’article de Krishan Kumar demeure l’un des plus importants sur la question. La réception de l’Histoire des colonies grecques aux Temps modernes fut avant tout le fruit d’une tentative de définition du colonialisme comme phénomène global, et d’une volonté de situer les nations européennes dans un contexte remontant aux origines de l’Occident. À l’heure où l’Europe amorçait sa domination sur la totalité de la planète, et où la course à la colonisation s’accélérait, la majorité des auteurs s’abritaient derrière l’image de thalassocraties antiques qui, si elles ne dénotaient pas un pouvoir politique centralisé, n’en contribuèrent pas moins à imposer la culture fondatrice de la pensée occidentale à tout le bassin méditerranéen. Quant aux guerres qui poussèrent les puissances antiques les unes contre les autres, elles ne faisaient qu’augurer des conflits à large échelle que furent les guerres franco-britanniques du XVIIIe siècle.