831 resultados para Christianity and politics.


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Actualmente Ai Weiwei es el creador con mayor proyección dentro y fuera de China, destacando especialmente por su prolífica, heterogénea, comprometida y polémica producción artística. Sus propuestas suscitan un gran interés y obtienen una destacada repercusión tanto en China como en un escenario internacional. Precisamente, es uno de los artistas contemporáneos chinos que ha logrado una mayor presencia en los medios de comunicación y en los espacios expositivos españoles, siendo un ejemplo de ello la organización de la primera exposición museística de su obra en el Centro Andaluz de Arte Contemporáneo (2013) y el estreno de la película documental sobre su vida y su obra Never Sorry (2013), dirigida por Alison Klayman. Ai Weiwei es un autor mediático y su visibilidad deviene una plataforma desde donde articular proyectos artísticos que enfocan determinadas problemáticas sociales. A la vez, la crítica política de Ai Weiwei resulta especialmente atractiva en un contexto euroamericano que subraya su papel de disidente y agitador. Dentro de tales parámetros se ahondará en la recepción de la producción artística de Ai Weiwei en el marco internacional y en el contexto español, analizando la aproximación que la prensa esboza sobre dicho autor.

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La investigación sobre el graffiti relacionado con el arte urbano, el diseño y la comunicación visual, la cultura social y política en la ciudad de Bogotá, son temas que concentran esta investigación. Opiniones y entrevistas fueron revelando la influencia sobre la comunidad, la sociedad civil, la política, y el enfrentamiento radical con la leyes, su clasificación y su exigencia según el estrato social han hecho de los espacios públicos de Bogotá una ciudad con paredes hablantes. Aunque no es tomado como algo malo, -para algunos- vandalismo para otros, despierta en muchos, opiniones diversas y sobre todo una subestimada valoración de los artistas hacia una expresión liberal y democrática de un sistema que los aleja de cualquier exhibición del arte tradicional.

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Four sole-authored entries in this Encyclopedia under the titles "Belfast", "Music and Politics," and "Traditional Music Revivals" and "Traditional Music, Aesthetics" totalling 6000 words.

I also served on the Editorial Advisory Committee for this Encyclopedia.

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While recent studies of the novel have turned their attention to the diverse experimentalism of mid-century fiction, a number of significant Irish novels of the period remain under-represented in such work. William Chaigneau, Thomas Amory, Charles Johnstone and Henry Brooke are discussed as experimental novelists, extending the 'new species of writing' by their incorporation of theology and politics, education and philosophy within a fictional frame.

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Reprinted in Trevor Barnes and Derek Gregory (eds), Reading Human Geography: The Poetics and Politics of Inquiry, (London: Arnold, 1997), pp. 27-48

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In an age of depleting oil reserves and increasing energy demand, humanity faces a stalemate between environmentalism and politics, where crude oil is traded at record highs yet the spotlight on being ‘green’ and sustainable is stronger than ever. A key theme on today’s political agenda is energy independence from foreign nations, and the United Kingdom is bracing itself for nuclear renaissance which is hoped will feed the rapacious centralised system that the UK is structured upon. But what if this centralised system was dissembled, and in its place stood dozens of cities which grow and monopolise from their own energy? Rather than one dominant network, would a series of autonomous city-based energy systems not offer a mutually profitable alternative? Bio-Port is a utopian vision of a ‘Free Energy City’ set in Liverpool, where the old dockyards, redundant space, and the Mersey Estuary have been transformed into bio-productive algae farms. Bio-Port Free Energy City is a utopian ideal, where energy is superfluous; in fact so abundant that meters are obsolete. The city functions as an energy generator and thrives from its own product with minimal impact upon the planet it inhabits. Algaculture is the fundamental energy source, where a matrix of algae reactors swamp the abandoned dockyards; which themselves have been further expanded and reclaimed from the River Mersey. Each year, the algae farm is capable of producing over 200 million gallons of bio-fuel, which in-turn can produce enough electricity to power almost 2 million homes. The metabolism of Free-Energy City is circular and holistic, where the waste products of one process are simply the inputs of a new one. Livestock farming – once traditionally a high-carbon countryside exercise has become urbanised. Cattle are located alongside the algae matrix, and waste gases emitted by farmyards and livestock are largely sequestered by algal blooms or anaerobically converted to natural gas. Bio-Port Free Energy City mitigates the imbalances between ecology and urbanity, and exemplifies an environment where nature and the human machine can function productively and in harmony with one another. According to James Lovelock, our population has grown in number to the point where our presence is perceptibly disabling the planet, but in order to reverse the effects of our humanist flaws, it is vital that new eco-urban utopias are realised.

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Community Asset Transfer (CAT), introduced by the New Labour administration and strengthened by the Coalition, aims to provide local groups with the opportunity to own public sector facilities and related services. It is a contested concept, with critics seeing it as another strategy in welfare displacement and state disinvestment, while for others it offers communities an opportunity to acquire collateral and take control over services affecting their lives. This paper explores CAT in Northern Ireland and suggests that while there are important practices, the region lacks the policies, legislative framework and skills to develop it in more progressive and inclusive ways.

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The first collected volume on social and relational equality.
Addresses a gap in the literature - while many philosophers have pointed to the importance of social equality, it requires much more theoretical development, which this volume aims to provide.
Offers a unique answer to the debate about whether or not equality is valuable.
Features a foreword by eminent political theorist David Miller
Includes new contributions by some of the most well-known contemporary moral and political philosophers, such as Samuel Scheffler and Jonathan Wolff.
Is equality valuable? This question dominates many discussions of social justice, which tend to center on whether certain forms of distributive equality are valuable, such as the equal distribution of primary social goods. But these discussions often neglect what is known as social or relational equality. Social equality suggests that equality is foremost about relationships and interactions between people, rather than being primarily about distribution.

A number of philosophers have written about the significance of social equality, and it has also played an important role in real-life egalitarian movements, such as feminism and civil rights movements. However, as it has been relatively neglected in comparison to the debates about distributive equality, it requires much more theoretical attention. This volume brings together a collection of ten original essays which present new analyses of social and relational equality in philosophy and political theory. The essays analyze the nature of social equality, as well as its relationship to justice and politics.

Readership: The book is primarily aimed at professionals in the field - philosophers (especially in moral, social and political philosophy) and political theorists. It is also aimed at the academic library market. Moreover, the book should be of interest to advanced undergraduate and postgraduate students attending courses on theories of equality and/or social justice.

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The Muslim Brotherhood is the most significant and enduring Sunni Islamist organization of the contemporary era. Its roots lie in the Middle East but it has grown into both a local and global movement, with its well-placed branches reacting effectively to take the opportunities for power and electoral competition offered by the Arab Spring.

Regarded by some as a force of moderation among Islamists, and by others as a façade hiding a terrorist fundamentalist threat, the potential influence of the Muslim Brotherhood on Middle Eastern politics remains ambiguous.The Muslim Brotherhood: The Arab Spring and its Future Face provides an essential insight into the organisation, with chapters devoted to specific cases where the Brotherhood has important impacts on society, the state and politics. Key themes associated with the Brotherhood, such as democracy, equality, pan-Islamism, radicalism, reform, the Palestine issue and gender, are assessed to reveal an evolutionary trend within the movement since its founding in Egypt in 1928 to its manifestation as the largest Sunni Islamist movement in the Middle East in the 21st century. The book addresses the possible future of the Muslim Brotherhood; whether it can surprise sceptics and effectively accommodate democracy and secular trends, and how its ascension to power through the ballot box might influence Western policy debates on their engagement with this manifestation of political Islam.

Drawing on a wide range of sources, this book presents a comprehensive study of a newly resurgent movement and is a valuable resource for students, scholars and policy makers focused on Middle Eastern Politics.

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Raymond Geuss has been viewed as one of the figureheads of the recent debates about realism in political theory. This interpretation, however, depends on a truncated understanding of his work of the past 30 years. I will offer the first sustained engagement with this work (in English and German) which allows understanding his realism as a project for reorienting political theory, particularly the relationship between political theory and politics. I interpret this reorientation as a radicalization of realismin political theory through the combination of the emphasis on the critical purpose of political theory and the provision of practical, contextual orientation. Their compatibility depends on Geuss’ understanding of criticism as negative, of power as ‘detoxified’ and of the critical purchase of political theory as based on the diagnostic engagement with its context. This radicalization particularly challenges the understanding of how political theory relates to its political context.