971 resultados para Bureaux de vote
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and the Australian Country Party since 1918. 2. The thesis examines the proposition that the role of a minor party is determined, not by its total strength expressed as a percentage of the national vote, but by how its strength is concentrated. Australia and Britain were chosen for the comparison because of the many similarities in political culture and in the extent of class voting. Each country has a party - the Country Party in Australia and the Liberal Party in Britain - which has had a distinct impact on the political scene in their respective countries. In the period from 1918 to the present day neither party, at the national level, has ever held the largest number of seats in parliament let alone a majority of seats, and it is in this sense that they are herein defined as minor parties. In the thesis the constitutional background of and differences between Australia and Britain are reviewed, followed by a brief historical picture of each of the two parties being studied. The sources of supporc of the two parties are analysed and it is here that real differences emerge. The Country Party in Australia is a deliberately sectional party with a narrow rural base, whereas the British Liberal Party is more broadly based than either the Labour or Conservative Parties in Britain. 3. Party leadership and organisation are then discussed. Both parties have had outstanding leaders, Earle Page and McEwen for the Country Party; Asquith, Lloyd George and Grimond for the Liberal Party. Both parties have had relatively fewer leaders than their major party opponents. However, whereas the Country Party has been free of serious splits the Liberal Party was shattered on the leadership struggles of Asquith and Lloyd George. Both parties have been identified with decentralisation of state power, the Country Party through its support, albeit sometimes lukewarm of the New States Movement; the Liberal Party through its espousal of a federal system for Britain with separate Welsh, Scottish and regional assemblies. Unfortunately for the British Liberal Party the beneficiaries of their policies in this area have been relatively new nationalist parties in both Wales arid Scotland. The major part of the thesis is devoted to a study of how the electoral systems in the two countries have, in practice, worked to the advantage or disadvantage of the Country Party and the British Liberal Party. The Country Party has been as consistently over-represented in the House of Representatives as the Liberal Party has been under-represented in the British House of Commons. With the even distribution of its support the introduction of the single transferable vote, in itself, would bring little benefit to the British Liberal Party in terms of seats. Multimember urban constituencies combined with some type of list system are the only way the Liberals are likely to obtain House of Commons seats in proportion to their votes. 4. Finally, the relations of the two minor parties with their respective major parties are considered. In the conclusion the future of the two parties is reviewed. In general terms it appears that the Country Party is faced with a slow decline. Although the British Liberal Party made a major breakthrough, in terms of votes, in the February 1974 election, they were unable to maintain this momentum in the October election, even though they lost very little ground. In the long term they must make an inroad into Labour held seats if they are to progress further.
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John Smith (1894-1977), son of Daniel Smith and Annie Douglas was a native of Scotland, immigrating to Canada in 1913. He first worked as a coach builder, then as a carpenter, finally developing his own contracting business. During WWI he served overseas with the 10th Battery, RCA as a sergeant. In 1924 Smith married Jean Wood, and together they had a daughter Irene (Hugh Langley). Smith first entered politics in 1940 serving as an alderman for the next 11 years. In 1954 he was elected mayor of the city of St. Catharines, and was twice returned to office by acclamation, serving until 1957 when he successfully ran as the Progressive Conservative candidate representing Lincoln County in the federal election. He won the election by a 10 000 vote majority. He served his constituents in Ottawa until he was defeated in the 1962 election. After leaving politics Mr. Smith was active in his community. He spearheaded the establishment of the St. Catharines Museum, and then was appointed its first director in 1966, serving in that capacity until 1972. He was an active member of the board of governors of the St. Catharines General Hospital and a life member and former president of the Lincoln County Humane Society. In 1971 he was voted Citizen of the Year for the city of St. Catharines. John Smith died on February 8, 1977 and was buried at Victoria Lawn Cemetery. Source: The St. Catharines Standard, February 9, 1977, page 1
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The letter begins by thanking J. Diefenbaker for a personal note and other mementos. O'Sullivan then begins to discuss Trudeau and his popularity, he remarks "If he calls an early election, he will sweep the Country. Truly he is a phenomenon, thanks to the press of Canada. However, the press are a fickle lot and could easily turn their marriage to him into a divorce under the new rules he had Parliament pass." He also discusses his opinion of how the provinces will vote in an upcoming election.
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In spatial environments, we consider social welfare functions satisfying Arrow's requirements. i.e., weak Pareto and independence of irrelevant alternatives. When the policy space os a one-dimensional continuum, such a welfare function is determined by a collection of 2n strictly quasi-concave preferences and a tie-breaking rule. As a corrollary, we obtain that when the number of voters is odd, simple majority voting is transitive if and only if each voter's preference is strictly quasi-concave. When the policy space is multi-dimensional, we establish Arrow's impossibility theorem. Among others, we show that weak Pareto, independence of irrelevant alternatives, and non-dictatorship are inconsistent if the set of alternatives has a non-empty interior and it is compact and convex.
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A desirable property of a voting procedure is that it be immune to the strategic withdrawal of a candidate for election. Dutta, Jackson, and Le Breton (Econometrica, 2001) have established a number of theorems that demonstrate that this condition is incompatible with some other desirable properties of voting procedures. This article shows that Grether and Plott's nonbinary generalization of Arrow's Theorem can be used to provide simple proofs of two of these impossibility theorems.
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A full understanding of public affairs requires the ability to distinguish between the policies that voters would like the government to adopt, and the influence that different voters or group of voters actually exert in the democratic process. We consider the properties of a computable equilibrium model of a competitive political economy in which the economic interests of groups of voters and their effective influence on equilibrium policy outcomes can be explicitly distinguished and computed. The model incorporates an amended version of the GEMTAP tax model, and is calibrated to data for the United States for 1973 and 1983. Emphasis is placed on how the aggregation of GEMTAP households into groups within which economic and political behaviour is assumed homogeneous affects the numerical representation of interests and influence for representative members of each group. Experiments with the model suggest that the changes in both interests and influence are important parts of the story behind the evolution of U.S. tax policy in the decade after 1973.
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This paper presents a new model of voter behaviour under methods of proportional representation (PR). We abstract away from rounding, and assume that a party securing k percent of the vote wins exactly k percent of the available seats. Under this assumption PR is not manipulable by any voter aiming at maximisation of the number of seats in the parliament of her most preferred party. However in this paper we assume that voters are concerned, first and foremost, with the distribution of power in the post-election parliament. We show that, irrespective of which positional scoring rule is adopted, there will always exist circumstances where a voter would have an incentive to vote insincerely. We demonstrate that a voter’s attitude toward uncertainty can influence her incentives to make an insincere vote. Finally, we show that the introduction of a threshold - a rule that a party must secure at least a certain percentage of the vote in order to reach parliament - creates new opportunities for strategic voting. We use the model to explain voter behaviour at the most recent New Zealand general election.
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After the events of September 11, the fear of terrorism led to the adoption of new anti-terrorist measures (elimination of appeals available to foreigners, reduction of legal aid, increased powers of detention, easier use of security certificates…). But in Canadian Charter of Rigths and Freedoms only the right to vote and be elected, the right to enter and remain in the country and the minority language educational rights specifically protect citizens. The protection of Canadian citizens cannot be based on the denial of foreigner´s rights. The same rights are at stake: The violation of a foreigners´s rights is a violation of citizen´s rights.
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"Mémoire Présenté à la Faculté des Études Supérieures en vue de l'obtention du Grade de Maîtrise En Droit Option Recherche"
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La Securities and Exchange Commission vient d’étendre la possibilité pour les sociétés américaines cotées de refuser d’inclure dans les sollicitations de procuration les propositions des actionnaires concernant l’élection des administrateurs. Alors que ce thème fait débat et que l’autorité américaine ne s’était que peu prononcée, celle-ci propose une rédaction nouvelle de l’article 14a-8(i)(8) applicable depuis le 10 janvier 2008. Cette prise de position de la Securities and Exchange Commission offre l’opportunité d’analyser l’état de la gouvernance des entreprises américaines en matière d’élection de la direction et de constater que le pouvoir des actionnaires, bien que restreint par cette modification règlementaire, est revigoré en parallèle par le développement du « majority vote system ». La confrontation de ces deux orientations fait apparaître leur complémentarité sous-jacente et le fait que les actionnaires sont, au final, loin d’être dépourvus de moyens efficaces pour mettre en œuvre un activisme. C’est autour des mutations profondes que subit le paysage juridique entourant le pouvoir des actionnaires au moment de l’élection du conseil d’administration que cet écrit est orienté.
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"Mémoire présenté à la faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise en droit (LL.M.)"
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Ce travail concerne la valorisation des résultats de la recherche universitaire. Il s'agit d'une terminologie qui concerne le processus ainsi que l'infrastructure - les bureaux de valorisation - permettant à un chercheur académique de commercialiser les résultats de sa recherche. Une étude de cas comparant la Belgique et le Québec dans ce domaine se trouvera au centre des réflexions. L'accent sera tout d'abord mis sur le cadre théorique permettant de comprendre l'origine et le sens de l'activité de valorisation. Différents concepts comme l'innovation et l'économie du savoir devront alors être introduits, notamment dans une perspective historique et normative. De plus, différents modèles théoriques se succèderont ; ce qui permettra au lecteur d'acquérir une vision complète du domaine étudié. La problématique qui anime ensuite la recherche est centrée sur les relations qui existent entre les bureaux de valorisation et les chercheurs universitaires qui font appel à leurs services et à l'impact de ces relations sur le processus de valorisation. Les différentes hypothèses proposées suggèrent l'importance des politiques universitaires de propriété intellectuelle ainsi que celle de la culture universitaire de la recherche académique. Ces différents points sont analysés au regard des entretiens semi-directifs effectués. Le but final de ce mémoire est la proposition de recommandations sur certaines bonnes pratiques dans le domaine de la valorisation. Ces dernières concernent d'une part la position organisationnelle des bureaux de valorisation au sein du processus de valorisation et, d'autre part, l'importance de la communication dans ce même processus.
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En écho aux discussions françaises, les Etats-Unis sont le témoin de débats intenses dans les milieux universitaires, professionnels et politiques sur ce qu’implique une rémunération juste des dirigeants d’entreprises. Le dépôt récent d'un projet de loi (Corporate and Financial Institution Compensation Fairness Act of 2009) est l'occasion de synthétiser les discussions en cours et de présenter les dernières évolutions. Si les positions adoptées dans ce projet législatif ne manquent pas de pertinence et apportent des éléments de réflexion intéressants ôsant proposer de modifier le schéma de gouvernance des entreprises, il ressort malheureusement que des critiques demeurent et ce, bien au-delà de la nature informationnelle du pouvoir octroyé aux actionnaires en matière de rémunération de la direction.
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Contexte et objectif. L’évasion fiscale a généré des pertes annuelles variant entre 2 et 44 milliards au Canada entre 1976 et 1995. Avec la croissance de l’évasion fiscale dans les années 1980 et 1990 plusieurs législations se sont attaquées à ce phénomène en mettant en place des mesures telles que les amnisties, les réformes fiscales et les nouvelles lois. Ces dernières reposent non seulement sur des principes théoriques distincts, mais leur efficacité même est remise en question. Bien que plusieurs auteurs affirment que les criminels en col blanc sont réceptifs aux sanctions pénales, une telle affirmation repose sur peu de preuves empiriques. L’objectif de ce mémoire est donc de réaliser une synthèse systématique des études évaluatives afin de faire un bilan des lois fiscales et d’évaluer leurs effets sur la fraude fiscale. Méthodologie. La synthèse systématique est la méthodologie considérée comme la plus rigoureuse pour se prononcer sur l’effet produit par une population relativement homogène d’études. Ainsi, 18 bases de données ont été consultées et huit études ont été retenues sur les 23 723 références. Ces huit études contiennent neuf évaluations qui ont estimé les retombés des lois sur 17 indicateurs de fraude fiscale. L’ensemble des études ont été codifiées en fonction du type de loi et leur rigueur méthodologique. La méthode du vote-count fut employée pour se prononcer sur l’efficacité des lois. Résultats. Sur les 17 indicateurs, sept indiquent que les lois n’ont eu aucun effet sur l’évasion fiscale tandis que six témoignent d’effets pervers. Seulement quatre résultats sont favorables aux lois, ce qui laisse présager que ces dernières sont peu efficaces. Toutefois, en scindant les résultats en fonction du type de loi, les réformes fiscales apparaissent comme une mesure efficace contrairement aux lois et amnisties. Conclusion. Les résultats démontrent que les mesures basées sur le modèle économique de Becker et qui rendent le système plus équitable sont prometteuses. Les amnisties qui visent à aller chercher des fraudeurs en leur offrant des avantages économiques et en suspendant les peines sont non seulement inefficaces, mais menaceraient le principe d’autocotisation basé sur l’équité.