746 resultados para Alluvial fans


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O contínuo crescimento do espaço particular aberto ao público contribuiu para o aparecimento e desenvolvimento da segurança privada, aumentando a sua comercialização e o seu número de efetivos. Apesar dos espetáculos desportivos serem eventos privados, a lei prevê, em certos casos, a obrigatoriedade da requisição de policiamento, por parte dos promotores. Será adequada a presença das Forças de Segurança para assegurar um evento particular ou será tarefa para a segurança privada? Tendo em conta a atualidade do assunto, torna-se uma mais-valia o estudo e compreensão do regime de policiamento de espetáculos desportivos, de forma a mitigar os seus aspetos negativos. Assim sendo, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo geral compreender de que forma o atual regime de policiamento se encontra adequado às exigências dos espetáculos desportivos. Para melhor orientar a investigação, foram definidos objetivos específicos, designadamente identificar as potencialidades do atual regime de policiamento na segurança dos espetáculos desportivos, identificar as vulnerabilidades do atual regime de policiamento na segurança dos espetáculos desportivos e compreender de que forma se podem mitigar as consequências negativas deste regime de policiamento na segurança dos espetáculos desportivos. A base lógica da presente investigação é o método dedutivo. Não temos como finalidade propor um novo regime de policiamento de espetáculos desportivos, mas sim analisar o regime já existente. Por conseguinte, a presente investigação desenvolveu-se através das seguintes fases: exploratória, analítica e conclusiva. De forma a sustentar as nossas conclusões, procedemos à análise documental, realização de entrevistas, observações qualitativas e, por último, à análise qualitativa do seu conteúdo. No decorrer da investigação, verificámos a existência de uma cultura de segurança que dificulta, à segurança privada, assumir a exclusividade da segurança dum evento desportivo. Nestas situações, a presença das Forças de Segurança é essencial, sendo ainda mais notória nos eventos desportivos realizados na via pública, onde a principal missão é garantir a segurança dos atletas e assegurar a fluidez e segurança do tráfego rodoviário. Não obstante, foi possível identificar algumas vulnerabilidades no presente regime de policiamento, pelo que propusemos um conjunto de medidas que podem ser implementadas, nomeadamente a gradual adaptação ao modelo de policiamento praticado no Reino Unido. Para tal, seria necessário aumentar o número de Assistentes de Recinto Desportivo, investindo mais na sua formação e atribuindo-lhes mais competências, contribuindo para a sua autoridade na presença dos adeptos.

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En este trabajo se realizan simulaciones de excavaciones profundas en suelos de origen aluvial en la ciudad de Sabaneta, mediante el empleo de modelos en elementos finitos integrados por el software PLAXIS® -- Los desplazamientos horizontales son comparados con mediciones de inclinómetros instalados en el trasdós del muro diafragma anclado del proyecto Centro Comercial Mayorca Fase III, localizado en el municipio de Sabaneta, Antioquia -- Finalmente, se concluye acerca de la sensibilidad de los parámetros más relevantes según el modelo constitutivo empleado y la viabilidad en su aplicación para la solución del problema evaluado

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BACKGROUND: Since 2008, Australia has seen the rapid emergence of marketing for online and mobile sports wagering. Previous research from other areas of public health, such as tobacco and alcohol, has identified the range of appeal strategies these industries used to align their products with culturally valued symbols. However, there is very limited research that has investigated the tactics the sports wagering industry uses within marketing to influence the consumption of its products and services.

METHOD: This study consisted of a mixed method interpretive content analysis of 85 sports wagering advertisements from 11 Australian and multinational wagering companies. Advertisements were identified via internet searches and industry websites. A coding framework was applied to investigate the extent and nature of symbolic appeal strategies within advertisements.

RESULTS: Ten major appeal strategies emerged from this analysis. These included sports fan rituals and behaviours; mateship; gender stereotypes; winning; social status; adventure, thrill and risk; happiness; sexualised imagery; power and control; and patriotism. Symbols relating to sports fan rituals and behaviours, and mateship, were the most common strategies used within the advertisements.

DISCUSSION/CONCLUSIONS: This research suggests that the appeal strategies used by the sports wagering industry are similar to those strategies adopted by other unhealthy commodity industries. With respect to gambling, analysis revealed that strategies are clearly targeted to young male sports fans. Researchers and public health practitioners should seek to better understand the impact of marketing on the normalisation of sports wagering for this audience segment, and implement strategies to prevent gambling harm.

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Greater knowledge about how women become fans may precipitate changes in how sporting associations, sports media, and wider society value women’s relationships to sport.

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Despite queer readings and interpretations by scholars and fans alike, the official Star Trek universe is devoid of any concrete or obvious representation of LGBTIQ identities. While this appears to be a case of symbolic annihilation, two recent episodes of the Internet series Star Trek New Voyages: Phase II (2004–, webseries), titled ‘Blood and Fire: Part One’ and ‘Blood and Fire: Part Two’, finally go where official Star Trek texts could, or would, not. Taking up the dual perspective of both fan and scholar, in this article I argue that these episodes use the conspicuous absence of representations of sexual diversity in the Star Trek franchise proper as the impetus for a creative intervention, one that embodies the capacity of science fiction texts to explore human sexuality beyond the confines of heteronormative identities.

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Elite athletes can reach a level of notoriety where media and fans are interested in various aspects of their lives beyond that of their on-field success or failure. By receiving this level of attention, these sporting celebrities attract sponsorships from commercial, fee-paying corporations. With considered alignment, manufacturers can enhance the visibility of their product with target audiences that consume every aspect of the lives of celebrity endorsers. While this form of commodification has been explored from the perspective of the private sector, there is limited research that reflects on the ambassador relationship between sport celebrities and charitable organisations.While a charity ambassador role omits financial support, a win-win outcome can be achieved. Enhanced visibility can benefit both parties: the sports celebrity adds another dimension to their personal brand portfolio, and the charitable organisation broadens awareness of their social issue. Retired athletes continue to harbour desirable brand equity; they have ongoing potential to reach to multiple stakeholders and act as important catalysts for social change.Whilst heightened visibility of an issue is desired, the immense stakeholder interest in the life of a successful athlete has a downside if the celebrity transgresses. Minor transgressions may pass with little impact, yet what constitutes a minor transgression for one set of stakeholders may result in reputational damage for both athlete and brand. Adopting a case study approach, this chapter investigates the construction of the sports celebrity persona at various stages of their career and the response by all actors to transgressions.Findings reveal that media framing of successful sports personalities can exacerbate future failings and heighten the impact on stakeholders, thus lessening their viability and longevity as positive social catalysts. Replicating actions adopted by the private sector, charitable​ organisations may respond to scandals by immediately severing the relationship, or at the other extreme, provide visible support as the celebrity seeks to repair and restore their image. The cases lead to a cohesive set of risk assessment considerations.

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In this article we focus upon the ways that “migrants” in Melbourne have used David Bowie to story and make sense of their arrival to Australia, often as refugees or as people looking for a better life. In relation to identity and belonging, some recent work on music fandom (Groene and Hettinger 2015; Lowe 2003), has imposed a meta-frame on the empirical method, substituting voices for a top-down analysis and interpretation. Our approach is to instead draw both upon auto-ethnography and to allow our fellow fans to “story” their own responses, in an attempt to get beneath the modes of feeling that music fandom ignites – situated within the narratives that people construct as they talk these stories. We argue that Bowie’s alternative and outsider status resonates keenly with people who find themselves “strangers” in a new land.

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Este estudio de caso se realiza con el ánimo de analizar las relaciones de la actividad de la FIFA con la soberanía del Estado, teniendo como objeto de estudio principal la Copa del Mundo Sudáfrica 2010. Asimismo, se busca analizar el papel y categorización de la FIFA, tanto en las relaciones internacionales, como en el derecho internacional. Para tal fin, a lo largo del trabajo se procederá a exponer los principales aspectos en las relaciones entre actores no tradicionales y los Estados soberanos, se identificará la conexión existente entre la FIFA y el Soft Law. Por último, se describirán las acciones concretas que realizó la FIFA que de alguna manera afectaron la soberanía sudafricana.

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La gran cantidad de personas interesadas actualmente en cuidar de su salud por medio de la Bicicleta, es una tendencia que cada vez toma más fuerza y por esto, se tomara como ventaja que la ciudad de Bogotá con sus últimos alcaldes han decidió apoyar el uso de esta. Aplicación para realizar grupos de ciclistas y poder salir cualquier día de la semana acompañado de más personas por un tema de transporte pero también de ocio. El objetivo es que las personas que no utilizan la bicicleta por miedo a salir solos, puedan unirse a diferentes grupos y hacer bici paseos por la ciudad, también contemplamos el hecho de que existen personas que quieren montar bicicleta como aficionados, es decir que salen por la carreteras aledañas a la capital pero muchas veces no tienen grupo con quien rodar. Queremos para el año 2020, lograr ser una de las aplicaciones de Bicicletas más exitosa de la ciudadanía de Bogotá, siendo una de las aplicaciones que mas apoya el uso diario y deportivo de la bicicleta. Nuestra aplicación ofrece el servicio principalmente de reunir gente y hacer paseos con diferentes personas haciendo uso de las bicicletas, dentro de la ciudad como ocio y transporte se realizarían en la mañana y noches, pero así mismo realizar grupos para hacer uso de la bicicleta por carreteras, es decir más como modo profesional o aficionado. Nuestra aplicación cuenta con una interface para seleccionar el tipo de bici usuario y segundo por donde o a donde quiere dirigirse para así mismo mostrarle las rutas cercanas a él. Nuestra característica principal es la unión de diferentes grupos, personas y entidades para hacer uso de la Bicicleta, tenemos una plataforma interactiva y fácil de usar, tan fácil que cualquier persona que no esté inmersa en el mundo de los Smartphone o aplicaciones pueda aprender a usarla. Unas de las ventajas con las que cuento es que desde muy joven me ha gustado montar en bicicletas y es así como decido crear una aplicación ya que compañeros, familiares y conocidos no salían a montar bicicleta solo conmigo, preferían que fuese un grupo más grande. Así mismo cuento con 3 compañeros de la universidad Javeriana que son programadores y ellos me van a brindar apoyo con la programación de la aplicación, y una compañera cercana a mí que estudio diseño industrial y me brindara apoyo con el diseño e imagen corporativa de la aplicación. Cuento con planta física para ubicar la oficina de nuestra empresa. Esta aplicación va dirigida principalmente a los habitantes de la ciudad de Bogotá, interesados en el cuidado de su salud combinado con medio de transporte, y personas correspondientes al estrato 2 en adelante, ya que son las personas que normalmente hacen uso de la bicicleta o que son personas potenciales para empezar hacer uso de la bicicleta. . La ciudad de Bogotá cuenta con 8’037.732 habitantes y este proyecto va ser desarrollado en toda la ciudad, toca tener en cuenta que la ciudad esta mesclada entre la diferente estratificación, no dirigimos a los estratos 2 y 3 que tenga la posibilidad de tener su Bicicleta y un celular tipo Smartphone, para los estratos 4, 5 y 6 sabemos que tiene la facilidad de obtener una bicicleta y ellos son nuestro usuario potencial el cual generaríamos un cambio y tomarían su bicicleta para hacer ejercicio como ocio y como medio de transporte. En cuanto a la proyección financiera para la aplicación, como se mencionó anteriormente, contamos con una gran ventaja, ya que la inversión requerida será menor debido a la propiedad con la que cuento para llevar a cabo el proyecto. Una propiedad de 60 metros cuadrados para empezar, la cual cuenta con salas de reunión y auditorio, un parqueaderos exteriores. Al hacer la calculación se va tener en cuenta el pago de un arriendo sin importan que sea de nuestra propiedad y así poder evidenciar realmente como es el estado financiero y no subsidiarla. Por otro lado, la inversión en efectivo que se necesitara será aproximadamente de $100.000.000 que serán $50.000.000 de mis padres y el restante saldrán de mis ahorros, Javier Amortegui Babativa, los cuales serán distribuidos para adecuación de planta, equipos y sistemas $17.616.880, para publicidad y mercadeo: $30.000.000, creación de la aplicación $34.000.000, sistemas IOS + Android $421.600, Gastos de composición empresarial y bancarios $11.000.000 y por último se va tener un provisión para imprevistos por el restante $6.961.520. Nuestras proyecciones de ventas han sido basadas en aplicaciones similares con un mismo formato de lucro con el tema de bicicletas pero no con la misma idea de negocio, nuestras proyecciones de ventas estimadas serán de $20.000.000 a $25.000.000 los primeros 3 meses, mientras tomamos fuerza en el mercado.

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NEW DATA ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE VALE DO FORNO SEDIMENTARY SEQUENCE (LOWER TAGUS RIVER TERRACE STAIRCASE) AND ITS RELEVANCE AS FLUVIAL ARCHIVE OF THE MIDDLE PLEISTOCENE IN WESTERN IBERIA Pedro P. Cunha 1, António A. Martins 2, Jan-Pieter Buylaert 3,4, Andrew S. Murray 4, Luis Raposo 5, Paolo Mozzi 6, Martin Stokes 7 1 MARE - Marine and Environmental Sciences Centre, Department of Earth Sciences, University of Coimbra, Portugal: pcunha@dct.uc.pt 2 MARE - Marine and Environmental Sciences Centre, Dep. Geociências, University of Évora, Portugal; aam@uevora.pt 3 Centre for Nuclear Technologies, Technical University of Denmark, Risø Campus, Denmark; jabu@dtu.dk 4 Nordic Laboratory for Luminescence Dating, Aarhus University, Risø DTU, Denmark; anmu@dtu.dk 5 Museu Nacional de Arqueologia, Lisboa, Portugal; 3raposos@sapo.pt 6 Department of Geosciences, University of Padova, Italy; paolo.mozzi@unipd.it 7 School of Geography, Earth and Environmental Sciences, University of Plymouth, UK; m.stokes@plymouth.ac.uk The stratigraphic units that record the evolution of the Tagus River in Portugal (study area between Vila Velha de Ródão and Porto Alto villages; Fig. 1) have different sedimentary characteristics and lithic industries (Cunha et al., 2012): - a culminant sedimentary unit (the ancestral Tagus, before the drainage network entrenchment) – SLD13 (+142 to 262 m above river bed – a.r.b.; with probable age ca. 3,6 to 1,8 Ma), without artefacts; - T1 terrace (+84 to 180 m; ca. 1000? to 900 ka), without artefacts; - T2 terrace (+57 to 150 m; top deposits with a probable age ca. 600 ka), without artefacts; - T3 terrace (+43 to 113 m; ca. 460 to 360? ka), without artefacts; - T4 terrace (+26 to 55 m; ca. 335 a 155 ka), Lower Paleolithic (Acheulian) at basal and middle levels but early Middle Paleolithic at top levels; - T5 terrace (+5 to 34 m; 135 to 73 ka), Middle Paleolithic (Mousterian; Levallois technique); - T6 terrace (+3 to 14 m; 62 to 32 ka), late Middle Paleolithic (late Mousterian); - Carregueira Sands (aeolian sands) and colluvium (+3 a ca. 100 m; 32 to 12 ka), Upper Paleolithic to Epipaleolithic; - alluvial plain (+0 to 8 m; ca. 12 ka to present), Mesolithic and more recent industries. The differences in elevation (a.r.b.) of the several terrace staircases results from differential uplift due to active faults. Longitudinal correlation with the terrace levels indicates that a graded profile ca. 200 km long was achieved during terrace formation periods and a strong control by sea base level was determinant for terrace formation. The Neogene sedimentary units constituted the main source of sediments for the fluvial terraces (Fig. 2). Geomorphological mapping, coupled with lithostratigraphy, sedimentology and luminescence dating (quartz-OSL and K-feldspar post-IRIR290) were used in this study focused on the T4 terrace, which comprises a Lower Gravels (LG) unit and an Upper Sand (US) unit. The thick, coarse and dominantly massive gravels of the LG unit indicate deposition by a coarse bed-load braided river, with strong sediment supply, high gradient and fluvial competence, during conditions of rapidly rising sea level. Luminescence dating only provided minimum ages but it is probable that the LG unit corresponds to the earlier part of the MIS9 (ca. 335 to 325 ka), immediately postdating the incision promoted by the very low sea level (reaching ca. -140 m) during MIS10 (362 to 337 ka), a period of relatively cold climate conditions with weak vegetation cover on slopes and low sea level. Fig. 1. Main Portuguese reaches in which the Tagus River can be divided (Lower Tagus Basin): I – from the Spanish border to Arneiro (a general E–W trend, mainly consisting of polygonal segments); II – from Arneiro to Gavião (NE–SW); III – from Gavião to Arripiado (E–W); IV – from Arripiado to Vila Franca de Xira (NNE-SSW); V – from Vila Franca de Xira to the Atlantic shoreline. The faults considered to be the limit of the referred fluvial sectors are: F1 – Ponsul-Arneiro fault (WSW-ENE); F2 – Gavião fault (NW-SE); F3 – Ortiga fault (NW-SE); F4 – Vila Nova da Barquinha fault (W-E); F5 – Arripiado-Chamusca fault (NNE-SSW). 1 – estuary; 2 – terraces; 3 – faults; 4 – Tagus main channel. The main Iberian drainage basins are also represented (inset). The lower and middle parts of the US unit, comprising an alternation of clayish silts with paleosols and minor sands to the east (flood-plain deposits) and sand deposits to the west (channel belt), have a probable age of ca. 325 to 200 ka. This points to formation during MIS9 to MIS7, under conditions of high to medium sea levels and warm to mild conditions. The upper part of the US unit, dominated by sand facies and with OSL ages of ca. 200 to 154 ka, correlates with the early part of the MIS6. During this period, progradation resulted from climate deterioration and relative depletion of vegetation that promoted enhanced sediment production in the catchment, coupled with initiation of sea-level lowering that increased the longitudinal slope. The Vale do Forno and Vale da Atela archaeological sites (Alpiarça, central Portugal) document the earliest human occupation in the Lower Tagus River, well established in geomorphological and environmental terms, within the Middle Pleistocene. The Lower Palaeolithic sites were found on the T4 terrace (+26 m, a.r.b.). The oldest artefacts previously found in the LG unit, display crude bifacial forms that can be attributed to the Acheulian, with a probable age of ca. 335 to 325 ka. The T4 US unit has archaeological sites stratigraphically documenting successive phases of an evolved Acheulian, that probably date ca. 325 to 300 ka. Notably, these Lower Palaeolithic artisans were able to produce tools with different sophistication levels, simply by applying different strategies: more elaborated reduction sequences in case of bifaces and simple reduction sequences to obtain cleavers. Fig. 2. . Simplified geologic map of the Lower Tagus Cenozoic basin, adapted from the Carta Geológica de Portugal, 1/500000, 1992). The study area (comprising the Vale do Forno and Vale de Atela sites) is located on the more upstream sector of the Lower Tagus River reach IV, between Arripiado and Chamusca villages. 1 – alluvium (Holocene); 2 – terraces (Pleistocene); 3 – sands, silts and gravels (Paleogene to Pliocene); 4 – Sintra Massif (Cretaceous); 5 – limestones, marls, silts and sandstones (Mesozoic); 6 – quartzites (Ordovician); 7 – basement (Proterozoic to Palaeozoic); 8 – main fault. The main Portuguese reaches of the Tagus River are identified (I to V). The VF3 site (Milharós), containing a Final Acheulian industry, with fine and elaborated bifaces) found in a stratigraphic level located between the T4 terrace deposits and a colluvium associated with Late Pleistocene aeolian sands (32 to 12 ka), has an age younger than ca. 154 ka but much older than 32 ka. In the study area, the sedimentary units of the T4 terrace seem to record the river response to sea-level changes and climatically-driven fluctuations in sediment supply. REFERENCES Cunha P. P., Almeida N. A. C., Aubry T., Martins A. A., Murray A. S., Buylaert J.-P., Sohbati R., Raposo L., Rocha L., 2012, Records of human occupation from Pleistocene river terrace and aeolian sediments in the Arneiro depression (Lower Tejo River, central eastern Portugal). Geomorphology, vol. 165-166, pp. 78-90.

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En la región Caribe algunas cuencas se vieron afectadas en su comportamiento hidrológico, como consecuencia del terremoto de abril de 1991.Un ejemplo evidente de lo anterior es la cuenca del rio Banano, que es la fuente principal del agua potable para la provincia de Limón, y que se presenta un comportamiento de rio aluvial acelerado como consecuencia de cerca de 40 millones de m3 de material deslizado. Los deslizamientos  característicos en la cuenca son deslizamientos de roca (rockslide), aunque puede observarse uno de tipo rotacional (rotational slump); además existen flujos de detritos ( debris flow). Este comportamiento acelerado origina inundaciones en poblados como Aguas Zarcas, Quitaría, Beverly; Polonia, Bomba y María Luisa. Con el fin de minimizar las consecuencias de estas inundaciones se establece una zonificación de áreas inundables para la parte baja de la cuenca en tres clases. Además, en la cuenca se registra un aporte significativo de material en suspensión, lo cual podrá alterar la posibilidad del agua. ABSTRACTThe April 1991 earthquake in Costa Rica caused changes in the hydrological characteristics of several watersheds in the Caribbean region of country.Evidence of these changes was observer in the rio Banano, the principal source of potable water for the province de Limon. The behavior of the alluvial river accelerated as a consequence of nearly 40 million cubic meters of material that moved within the watershed as a result of the earthquake. The characteristical landslides were rockslides, althoung rotational slump and debris flow slides were also observed. The accelerated hydrological changes in the river have caused flooding in populated areas such as Aguas Zarcas, Quitará, Beverly, Polonia, Bomba and Maria Luisa. In order to minimize the consequences of the flooding, the lower part of the watershed was classified in three categories according to flooding susceptibility.The river has also shown an increase in suspended material, which could affect the potability of the water.