Auta de Souza, a poeta de pele clara, um moreno doce : memória e cultura da intelectualidade afrodescendente no Rio Grande do Norte

In the first half of the twentieth century different groups of intellectuals were engaged in the pursuit of an ideal of Brazility. Thereon, two currents are perceived. The first was marked by a nostalgic bias about the past, being formulated by intellectuals from the region that was turning as Northeast. This group of intellectuals emphasized values and traditions of the agrarian aristocracy of the region that was losing visibility in the political and economic Brazil scene. Already the other current has a more modern and industrial feature, was formed by intellectuals from the Southeast that in detriment of the first, was rising. This group, on the other hand, was intended to give a new face to Brazil and break with the "roots" of our delay that in their view were linked to our agrarian past. This resulted in different perceptions and interpretations of our historical past, and the construction of different profiles to the Brazilian. Accordingly, our work seeks to understand how was produced the writing that silenced the mixed ancestry of Auta de Souza (1876-1901) considering the position that she should occupy in the intellectuals projects who were in charge of forming a memory for our state. Auta as a relevant historical character in this project of potiguares intellectuals, she was raised to the condition of a model woman and elected in the pantheon of the most beloved poets of Rio Grande do Norte, however, to occupy such prestigious position she had her racial ancestry concealed in the writings that these same intellectuals had written about her, what is still spreaded in memory and rituals places of religious and civic features

ELOY DE SOUZA: UMA INTERPRETAÇÃO SOBRE O NORDESTE E OS DILEMAS DAS SECAS

The thought of Eloy de Souza is studied (1873-1959), that left a significant intellectual production in the journalistic, cultural and politicial scope on the Northeast and the dilemmas of the droughts. Through the method of content analysis, his journalistic and literary speech is investigated, looking at to understand the elaboration and/ or reiteration of categories, of representations and of values; it is verified how was conceived the constitution of the political thought and which is it´s principal slopes; the parliamentary speech, present in his interventions is analyzed in plenary session, participation in commissions and in his projects, particularly in the thematic area of the droughts. It is verified that his work is built in a political and ideological perspective inserting the bourgeoisie landowner's interests and Northeastern commercial and of it´s political strata, inside the historical block of agro-industry power that has as irradiation focus the area of the coffee represented politically by the oligarchies person from São Paulo and Minas Gerais. In that sense, two crucial categories emerge: the droughts and the country, as the Northeastern and Brazilian man's synthesis, with their resistance capacity and adaptation, and their creative effort in an adverse enviroment, that Eloy de Souza started to insert in his political speech. However, the vision that he passes of the "country suffer", expresses a certain idealization of a lifestyle that corresponds to a traditional dominance, that he want´s to be reproduced. Although it looked for the solution for the drought through the modernization of the economy by the adoption of advanced methods as the irrigation, his concern went back to the conservation of the economical and cultural political hegemony of that elite. Thus, his inquietude with the process of integration of the subordinate sections, justifies his consensual speech, harmonic as organic intellectual of the agrarian-commercial bourgeoisie of the Brazilian Northeast

Sociedade civil no espaço de atuação com juventude: uma cartografia social

This report has as its objective the setting up of a social cartography, mapping and characterizing non-governmental organizations working with adolescents and young people (OSC) in the western districts of the city of Natal. Characteristics such as the profile, themes and principal activities, how the organizations fit into the public sector and their participation in social networks are observed. Thus common differences and similarities which serve as a means of indentification, take as reference the symbolic cartography of Boaventura of Sousa Santos. Since there are relatively few studies relating to civil society of Rio Grande do Norte and in particular, Natal, the starting point was the setting up of a database allowing for a general overview. Hence a panorama of the organizations could be observed: where they are located, when they were formed how they operate and their relationships with other sectors (the state, the market and civil society) in addition to basic facts and location. The principal lines of enquiry were a) the OSC which operate with the public comprising adolescents and young people and b) the OSC operating or having branches in four suburbs on the periphery of the western administrative region of the city (Felipe Camarão, Bom Pastor, Cidade Nova and Guararapes).The present report has identified the impacts of ongoing social transformation caused by the process of globalization ,by the various currently contested political projects which are as follows: the project of neoliberal globalized capitalism(hegemonic)and the project of social emancipation (contra-hegemonic),how these are seen from the local viewpoint and how they influence the profiles and operation of the cartographic organizations. The area of the OSC is a heterogenous one with political, cultural and ideological strains, characterized by its infiltration, its local/global and multicultural dimensions. As civil organizations are fundamental in the processes of transformation within society, and following the idea of social emancipation referred to by Boaventura Santos, the enquiry classified the organizations according to the afore-mentioned characteristics, establishing eight types of associations. These different types and their respective characteristics were analysed from a related perspective using the mechanisms of symbolic cartography: scale, projection and symbolisation. The theoretical references underpinning this research arise from the debate on civil society which becomes redefined as a result of the dispute involving the two afore-mentioned political projects. These demand the theoretical application of the comprehension of heterogeneity in its diversity and complexity together with the idea of social emancipation.The main authors consulted were Boaventura de Sousa Santos, Antonio Gramsci, through the texts translated by Marco Aurelio Nogueira; Carlos Nelson Coutinho and Alberto Rivera ,who supported the construction of the types of associations identified by the local reality.Finally this research enabled an understanding of the current form of social action happening in the Space of the Four Neighbourhoods (Espaço dos 4 Bairros) and how the distinct profiles analysed together with the ares of operation of the organizations define their emancipatory potencials within the following two poles: regulation/adaptation and emancipation/transformation

Quem tem direito à moradia? :uma análise da política nacional de habitação e dos programas de habitação de interesse social (2003-2005)

This dissertation analyses the Brazilian housing policy of today s, focusing on the programmes in the socalled Social Interest Housing Subsystem in order to discuss to what extent the government has been able to grant housing constitutional rights in the country. The discussion is about housing policy and the principles in the country s Constitution regarding the role of housing as a social right, a right that must be granted by the state. This refers to land rent theory to understand the relationship between capital and property and the reasons why, under capitalism, housing becomes a commodity in the market. Then, it discusses the national housing policy, which emphasizes land ownership through financing, that is, via market, a process that excludes all low income population. In the conclusion, it is clear that, although government programmes cover extensively at least potentially the national territory as well as social group, subsidized housing programmes cannot be implemented in the city due to land prices because subsidy is too low. In this way, the law that grants housing rights to all Brazilian citizens is violated

Estrutura econômica, mercado de trabalho e evolução sócio-ocupacional no Rio Grande do Norte 2001 a 2008: reflexo de uma condição mercantil e estruturalmente periférica

The aim of this thesis was to investigate the evolution of the socio-occupational status in Rio Grande do Norte from 2001 to 2008, based on the characterization of the socio-economic status of this State from the analysis of labor market norte-rio-grandense . The study, specifically, drew a comparison between the dynamics of the labor market in Rio Grande do Norte and the capital city, Natal. From this perspective, the purpose was to make a relationship between the social division of labor and its effects on the socio-spatial division, represented in the "macro scale" by the federal unit and the "micro level" for the capital; locus of economic and population concentration. The collection of data on the labor market had as a major source PNAD/IBGE, characterizing the labor market in many ways: people of working age, economically active population and employed and unemployed people, classified by age, sex, color, education, income and social protection condition. However, as for the socio-occupational division, we follow the methodology used by the research group on national television, based in IPPUR /UFRJ, called Monitoring of the Metropolis," which rallied twenty-four groups that aggregate the occupations found in the PNAD/IBGE, in eight groups of socio-occupational categories, according to the similarity between them. It was used in the socio-spatial cutting two relevant discussions, which are inter-related and were characterized as crucial points in developing the research problem: the former was related to the influence of the hegemony of merchant capital in the labor market in Rio Grande North and, the latter, it referred the socio-economic relations between the territory and the variable occupation. Lastly, the results all indicated that in Rio Grande do Norte, as a peripheral state, has suffered the devastating influence of the hegemony of capital purely commercial basis, where "wealth" of capitalism is generated through the sphere of mere movement of goods and services rather than a productive process due to the social relations of production more advanced. We have a little advanced economic structure, with a tertiary sector that has propagated under-employment or disguised unemployment. Similarly, the agricultural sector has been presented as an example of greater social degradation of working conditions in the state. The secondary sector, in turn, also was not behind this uncertainty; on the contrary, confirmed that condition, with poor levels of income, low education of the workforce and a high degree of social helplessness, even in the state capital, space full urban area, which although always appear with a favorable condition compared to Province, in practically most of the variables studied, was also reflected at the same time the author of a structurally underdeveloped condition

O Trabalho e o labirinto da responsabilidade socioempresarial:a experiência da cidadania empresarial do Banco do Brasil

In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital

Os embates entre ciência e política na experiência parlamentar de Josué de Castro

This study want to know how Josué de Castro, the two terms of a congressman, participated in the Brazilian political-ideological debate of the 1950s. For this, search the 61 speeches in the plenary of the House of Representatives and its 14 projects, analyzing them as historical documents that describe an experience, which enables the central category amalgamated the subject and his time, which breaks up the possibilities of new social practices. Unity of action and reflection, the experience of Castro in the Brazilian parliament has got on the basis of a previous flow experiences in the political-institutional and scientific. Together with the personal history, the political intellectual scenario of his time was another variable considered in the first chapter of this work. In the second chapter did an analysis of 32 speeches and projects of the first term of Josué de Castro, grouping them by thematic affinities. The 43 for the second term were discussed in the third chapter, leaving the final considerations answer the research objectives: What are the main interlocutors? What are your political positions? What are the points of rupture and continuity in his political career? Josué de Castro spoke to the Brazilian state directly to the president, some ministers and to the SUDENE, the ONU appears indirectly through the reports of his participations. His political position was a national-developmentalist who embraced the cause of self-determination of the countries, anti-imperialism, agrarian reform and regional planning, strongly inspired by Celso Furtado and San Tiago Dantas. Castro often has blended a liberal and Marxist terminology, relying on different ideologies to do support his fight against hunger

Desenvolvimento e políticas públicas: uma avaliação do PRONAF nos assentamentos de reforma agrária do Rio Grande do Norte

The research DEVELOPMENT AND PUBLIC POLICY: AN EVALUATION OF PRONAF IN THE SETTLEMENTS AGRARIAN REFORM OF RIO GRANDE DO NORTE aimed to evaluate the effectiveness of the National Program for Strengthening Family enhancerelement od development in rural settlements od Rio Grande do Norte. The methodological approach consisted of the completion of desk research and literature on development issues, policies, and rural credit and field research through semi- structured interviews with managers and technicians who work with the program and conducting focus with farmers settles who accessed the PRONAF the period from 2000 to 2006. The survey results confirm the central hypothesis of this work, that acces to PRONAF A is not causing efetivations relevant in the lives of farm workers settlers in Rio Grande do Norte. In the setllements where efetivations these occur, they are short of what the program intends to carry out and rely on a set of conditionalities that are beyond the operational frameworks of the same. Such questions point to the need to revise the program in order to estabilish adjustments that in practice the approach of the proposed objectives. For this purpose it is necessary to invest in factor that contribute to the program has a positive effect not only to increase income, but to contribute to the autonomy of the resettled farmers, expanding its capabilities and increased the power of choise with respect to life who wish to take

O princípio constitucional da livre concorrência como instrumento de desenvolvimento socioeconômico

The freedom of concurrence, firstly conceived as a simple market fundament in productive systems that recognized the productive forces freedom of action, appears as a clear instrument of protection and fomentation of the market, recognizing the importance of the simultaneous existence of various economic forces such the proper capitalism reason of constitution. It has, thus, a directly role linked to the fundamental idea that the market and its productive forces needed of a protection against itself, because it exists inside the market situations and circumstances, provoked or not, that could prejudice and even annihilate the its existence and functioning, whilst a complex role of productive forces presents at all economic creation space. It was the primacy of the classic liberalism, the first phase of the capitalism. The Constitutions, in that historic moment, did not proclaim any interference at the economic scenario, simply because it recognized the existence of an economic freedom prepared to justify and guarantee the market forces, with its own rules. Based on the structural changes that occurred at the following historic moments, inside the constitutionally recognized capitalism, it was verified changes in the ambit of treatment of the freedom of concurrence principle that, in a progressive way, passes to present a configuration more concerned with socialist and developing ideas, as long as not only a market guarantee. It emerges a freedom of concurrence which aim is instrumental, in relation to its objectives and constitutional direction as a role, and not anymore stagnant and with isolated treatment, in special at the constitutional systems the present s clear aspects of social interventions and guarantor of fundamental rights more extensive and harmonious. That change is located at a space of state actuation much more ample and juridical important, this time comprehending the necessity of managing the productive scenario aiming to reach a national social and economic development effectively guarantor of fundamental rights for all citizens. Those Constitutions take as point of starting that the social and economic development, and not only anymore the economic growth, is the effective way for concretization of these rights. In that way it needs to be observed and crystallized by political and juridical tools that respect the ideological fundamental spirit of the Constitutional Charters. In that scenario that seeks for solutions of rights accomplishment, in special the social rights, the constitutional principle of freedom of concurrence has been seen as an instrument for reaching bigger values and directives, such as the social justice, which only can be real at a State that can implement a comprehensive and permanent social and economic development. The freedom of concurrence tries to valorize and defend something larger and consonant to the political values expressed in the Constitutional Charters with social character, which is the right to a social and economical sustainable development, guarantor of more clear and compromised collective benefits with social justice. The origin of that constitutional imposition is not only supported by vague orientations of the economic space, but as integrated to it, with basis formed of normative and principles posted and prepared to produce effects at the proper reason of the Constitution

As zonas de processamento de exportação como instrumento de desenvolvimento e redução das desigualdades regionais

The existence of inequalities among the Brazilian regions is an indeed fact along the country s history. Before this reality the constitutional legislator inserted into the Federal Constitution of 1988, as a purpose of the Federative Republic of Brazil, the reduction of regional inequalities. The development has also been included as a purpose from the State, because there is an straight relation with the reduction of regional inequalities. In both situations is searched the improvement of people s living conditions. . In pursuit of this achievement, the State must implement public policy, and, for this to happen, it needs the ingress of income inside of the public coffers and support of economic agents, therefore the importance of constitucionalization of the economic policy. The 1988 s Constitution adopted a rational capitalism regime consentaneous with current legal and social conceptions, that s why it enabled the State s intervention into economy to correct the so-called market failures or to make the established objectives fulfilled. About this last one, the intervention may happen by induction through the adoption of regulatory Standards of incentive or disincentive of economic activity. Among the possible inductive ways there are the tax assessments that aim to stimulate the economic agents behavior in view of finding that the development doesn t occur with the same intensity in all of the country s regions. Inside this context there are the Export Processing Zones (EPZs) which are special areas with different customs regime by the granting of benefits to the companies that are installed there. The EPZs have been used, by several countries, in order to develop certain regions, and economic indicators show that they promoted economic and social changes in the places where they are installed, especially because, by attracting companies, they provide job creation, industrialization and increased exports. In Brazil, they can contribute decisively to overcome major obstacles or decrease the attraction of economic agents and economic development of the country. In the case of an instrument known to be effective to achieve the goals established by the Constitution, it is duty of the Executive to push for the law that governs this customs regime is effectively applied. If the Executive doesn t fulfill this duty, incurs into unjustifiable omission, correction likely by the Judiciary, whose mission is to prevent acts or omissions contrary to constitutional order

Regulação do livre acesso no transporte de gás natural à luz da ordem econômica da Constituição de 1988

In the middle of modern social changes produced by globalization and capitalism, several markets have changed. States have left the direct coordination of these markets (chiefly public utility sector in the form of monopolies), introducing regulation in order to promote competition. These changes have affected natural gas industry by promoting competition as a key factor to the development and the increase of firms in this market. The regulatory reform of natural gas industry ocurred in EUA and Europe Union and it has produced its first results. In Brazilian context, Constitutional Amendment nbr. 09 and Federal Law nbr. 9.478/97 ( Petroleum Law ) opened the natural gas market to a broad range of private economic agents and they finished the monopoly over the industry before managed by Petrobras. The new regulatory framework of Brazilian natural gas industry has designed competition as a central element to the new form of managment of business and contractual relationships of this industry. Among the regulatory instruments, open access regulation in natural gas pipelines is directed to promote competition. The questions arised about its implementation in Brazilian context are studied in the present work, in which it is discussed the constitutional rules and principles are to be applied to the open access regulation within the theme of statal regulation of economy present in constitutional economic order

Mercado de trabalho e estrutura sócio-ocupacional: estudo comparativo entre as regiões metropolitanas de Fortaleza, Recife e Salvador 2001-2008

The economic transformations in the world, the end of World War II, listing significant changes in production structures and labor market in the world. Initially developed countries realize these changes and subsequently developing countries. The changes in production patterns, especially with the crisis of Fordism, peripheral countries further accentuated the problems in the workplace. Flexible accumulation, in turn, was responsible for significant changes in the labor market at the periphery of global capitalism. This restructuring process, in Brazil, begun from the end of the 1980s and early 1990s, being more accentuated the impacts on the labor market in the poorest regions of the country, particularly the Northeast. In that sense, this thesis aims to evaluate the job market in the metropolitan areas of Fortaleza, Recife and Salvador in light of the transformation process in the production structures and labor market and its influences in the 2000s. The time frame are the years 2001-2008. Data are from the National Household Sample Survey - PNAD and were drawn from the study proposal developed by the Centre of the Metropolis. The study shows that the labor market of the three metropolitan areas continues to be affected by the restructuring process of the late twentieth century. It found high rates of unprotected busy at work is more precarious conditions of employment for non-whites, women, adolescents / young and old. We also highlight the high percentage of employed persons earning income up 1.00 minimum wage, and a large number of persons employed in the tertiary and tertiary non-specialist. With the picture observed in the three metropolitan areas you can see the major problems in the labor market that proliferate, especially in the metropolitan context of the Northeast, with characteristics similar to those observed in the literature that investigated the labor market in 1990

Teores de nutrientes na folha, qualidade do suco e massa seca de raizes de laranja-Valência em função da irrigação e fertirrigação

O presente trabalho foi desenvolvido na Área Experimental de Irrigação da Faculdade de Ciências Agrárias e Veterinárias de Jaboticabal/Unesp, com o objetivo de avaliar o efeito da fertirrigação sobre o teor foliar de macro e de micronutrientes, a massa fresca de raízes e a qualidade do suco de frutos em um pomar de laranja-'Valência'. Os tratamentos utilizados foram: (SI) sem irrigação e adubação com fertilizante sólido parcelado em quatro vezes; (MI-100) fertirrigação por microaspersão com 100% da evapotranspiração; (MI-50) fertirrigação por microaspersão com 50% da evapotranspiração; (G-100) fertirrigação por gotejamento com 100% da evapotranspiração; e (G-50) fertirrigação por gotejamento com 50% da evapotranspiração. Os teores de macro e micronutrientes nas folhas não foram alterados pela irrigação, pelos sistemas de fertirrigação e pela lâmina de água aplicada. A acidez total titulável foi superior no tratamento sem irrigação, e a % de suco no fruto e ratio não foram afetadas pelos tratamentos com e sem irrigação. A massa fresca de raiz foi maior nos tratamentos irrigados, porém não foram constatadas para esse parâmetro diferenças entre os sistemas de gotejamento e microaspersão. A maior concentração de raízes ocorreu até 10 cm de profundidade e até 30 cm de distância do emissor.

Políticas públicas para agricultura familiar: uma avaliação sobre a correspondência do paa e do PRONAF nos territórios da cidadania do Rio Grande do Norte - 2008 a 2010.

Family farming has been considered as the new axis of rural development in the country, the focus of several public policies, especially the National Program for Strengthening Family Agriculture - PRONAF and Food Purchase Program - PAA. PRONAF was created with the aim of providing credit to farmers, while the PAA to support family farmers through the purchase of its production. In this context, the objective of this study is to analyze the correspondence of these two public policies for family farming, in the Territories of Citizenship of the state of Rio Grande do Norte, between the years 2008 to 2010. In the methodology, the analysis was performed by comparing the distributions of the two programs in the territories of citizenship status. There were also statistical tests of differences in proportions, and Spearman correlations, and estimated a logit regression model, in order to measure the probability of a farmer participating in the PAA is associated with one of the modes of PRONAF. The data used were obtained from the National and Supply - CONAB at the Institute of Technical Assistance and Rural Extension - EMATER, and the Ministry of Agrarian Development - MDA. Among the key findings was noted that policies were associated with a direct, but low in the districts of the Territories of Citizenship. And that, in the years 2008 and 2009, only in the territories of Mato Grande, Alto Oeste and Seridó, the actions of PAA and PRONAF had direct and significant correlations. It was found that in most of the territories, policies are performed randomly, ie that both have no correlation to each other. The estimates of the logit model showed that the chance of a family farmer, the PAA participant, receive credits PRONAF A, is higher in the territory of Mato Grande, and would have a chance to fall in PRONAF B in all areas surveyed. Moreover, farmers in the territories of the Assu-Mossoró, Sertão of Apodi, Seridó and Alto Oeste, participating in the PAA would be more likely to receive credits PRONAF C, reflecting thus the family farm more consolidated these territories

Concentração da posse da terra e o programa nacional de crédito fundiário - uma análise para o estado do Rio Grande do Norte, 2006 - 2012

O objetivo do trabalho é propor um estudo sobre a relação do Programa Nacional de Crédito Fundiário - PNCF, no estado do Rio Grande do Norte, e sua concentração fundiária. Ou seja, se o PNCF está sendo direcionado, para as microrregiões que apresentam maior índice de concentração, de acordo com o índice de Gini, e se as áreas adquiridas através do crédito fundiário estão emergindo nestas microrregiões. Para isto, o estudo levantou a hipótese de que o PNCF no estado do Rio Grande do Norte não está sendo conduzida, de modo a reduzir a concentração fundiária, dentre as microrregiões do estado. Ou seja, não existe correlação entre o índice de Gini, da concentração fundiária, e as áreas adquiridas através do programa. Além disso, o trabalho buscou realizar uma discussão da literatura sobre os programas de reforma agrária assistida pelo mercado. Apresentando os autores que são exaltadores do modelo e das suas potencialidades, atrelando as causas dos problemas levantados como sendo de ordem técnica e operacional, onde os principais autores desta linha são: Van Zyl, Kirsten & Binswanger, (1996), Deininger & Binswanger, (1999). Têm-se também a apresentação da posição dos autores adeptos as políticas fundiárias pautadas na dinâmica e liberação dos mercados de terras, mas que visam contribuir com estudos que permitam uma redução para o custo elevado e a sua incapacidade de abarcar a esfera social, em decorrência do pagamento á vista e a preço de mercado aos donos das terras, são eles: De Janvry & Sadoulet (2002), Gordillo (2002), Banerjee (1999), Jaramillo (1998) e Burki & Perry (1997). Todavia, apresentou-se a corrente de autores que ressalta a natureza socialmente agressiva da Reforma Agrária Assistida pelo Mercado (RAAM), sendo os seus principais contribuidores: El-Ghonemy (2001); Barros, Schwartzman & Sauer (2003); Borras Jr. (2006, 2003 e 2003a); Garoz et al. (2005); Sauer & Pereira (2006); Pereira (2005, 2006 e 2010); Sauer (2010); Lahiff, Borras Jr. & Kay (2007). Em sequência, o trabalho apresentou a transição e características dos programas de acesso à terra, no Brasil, a partir da década de 1990, bem como, alguns indicadores do PNCF, no Brasil e o estado do Rio Grande do Norte. Apresentou-se também os indicadores da concentração fundiária, no Brasil e no estado. Através dos dados do Censo Agropecuário de 2006 foi possível calcular o índice de Gini da distribuição fundiária nas microrregiões no estado do Rio Grande do Norte. Com os dados fornecidos pela Secretaria de Estado de Assuntos Fundiários e de Apoio à Reforma Agrária - SEARA mostrou-se a distribuição das linhas de crédito do PNCF e as áreas adquiridas, entre os anos de 2006 e 2012. Por fim, o valor do coeficiente de correlação simples (r) igual a (0,2865), que com base no teste bilateral da distribuição de t de Student chegou-se no resultado para T calculado no valor de (1,2333), que ao ser comparado com o valor de T crítico igual a (2,898), com 17 graus de liberdade, a um nível de significância de 1%, pode aceitar a hipótese de partida, ou seja, que o PNCF não estava sendo direcionado para diminuir a concentração fundiária no estado