205 resultados para theft


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Social Engineering (ES) is now considered the great security threat to people and organizations. Ever since the existence of human beings, fraudulent and deceptive people have used social engineering tricks and tactics to trick victims into obeying them. There are a number of social engineering techniques that are used in information technology to compromise security defences and attack people or organizations such as phishing, identity theft, spamming, impersonation, and spaying. Recently, researchers have suggested that social networking sites (SNSs) are the most common source and best breeding grounds for exploiting the vulnerabilities of people and launching a variety of social engineering based attacks. However, the literature shows a lack of information about what types of social engineering threats exist on SNSs. This study is part of a project that attempts to predict a persons’ vulnerability to SE based on demographic factors. In this paper, we demonstrate the different types of social engineering based attacks that exist on SNSs, the purposes of these attacks, reasons why people fell (or did not fall) for these attacks, based on users’ opinions. A qualitative questionnaire-based survey was conducted to collect and analyse people’s experiences with social engineering tricks, deceptions, or attacks on SNSs.

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Social networking sites (SNSs), with their large number of users and large information base, seem to be the perfect breeding ground for exploiting the vulnerabilities of people, who are considered the weakest link in security. Deceiving, persuading, or influencing people to provide information or to perform an action that will benefit the attacker is known as “social engineering.” Fraudulent and deceptive people use social engineering traps and tactics through SNSs to trick users into obeying them, accepting threats, and falling victim to various crimes such as phishing, sexual abuse, financial abuse, identity theft, and physical crime. Although organizations, researchers, and practitioners recognize the serious risks of social engineering, there is a severe lack of understanding and control of such threats. This may be partly due to the complexity of human behaviors in approaching, accepting, and failing to recognize social engineering tricks. This research aims to investigate the impact of source characteristics on users’ susceptibility to social engineering victimization in SNSs, particularly Facebook. Using grounded theory method, we develop a model that explains what and how source characteristics influence Facebook users to judge the attacker as credible.

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Australian households currently pay the second highest “honesty tax” in the world at $290 per household per year, levied by retailers to offset the $AU1.86 billion in losses they incur from customer theft. Theft is only one type of consumer deviance, which can include behaviours that are against the law, an organisation’s policy, or behaviours that violate normally accepted conduct. An individual’s “deviant behaviour” can vary from one person to the next. My research exploring consumer definitions of right and wrong has found a number of things can inform what an individual thinks is “deviant behaviour”, beyond what the law or organisational policy states as right or wrong. Consumers then use their own justifications to excuse their actions...

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What is ‘best practice’ when it comes to managing intellectual property rights in participatory media content? As commercial media and entertainment business models have increasingly come to rely upon the networked productivity of end-users (Banks and Humphreys 2008) this question has been framed as a problem of creative labour made all the more precarious by changing employment patterns and work cultures of knowledge-intensive societies and globalising economies (Banks, Gill and Taylor 2014). This paper considers how the problems of ownership are addressed in non-commercial, community-based arts and media contexts. Problems of labour are also manifest in these contexts (for example, reliance on volunteer labour and uncertain economic reward for creative excellence). Nonetheless, managing intellectual property rights in collaborative creative works that are created in community media and arts contexts is no less challenging or complex than in commercial contexts. This paper takes as its focus a particular participatory media practice known as ‘digital storytelling’. The digital storytelling method, formalised by the Centre for Digital Storytelling (CDS) from the mid-1990s, has been internationally adopted and adapted for use in an open-ended variety of community arts, education, health and allied services settings (Hartley and McWilliam 2009; Lambert 2013; Lundby 2008; Thumin 2012). It provides a useful point of departure for thinking about a range of collaborative media production practices that seek to address participation ‘gaps’ (Jenkins 2006). However the outputs of these activities, including digital stories, cannot be fully understood or accurately described as user-generated content. For this reason, digital storytelling is taken here to belong to a category of participatory media activity that has been described as ‘co-creative’ media (Spurgeon 2013) in order to improve understanding of the conditions of mediated and mediatized participation (Couldry 2008). This paper reports on a survey of the actual copyrighting practices of cultural institutions and community-based media arts practitioners that work with digital storytelling and similar participatory content creation methods. This survey finds that although there is a preference for Creative Commons licensing a great variety of approaches are taken to managing intellectual property rights in co-creative media. These range from the use of Creative Commons licences (for example, Lambert 2013, p.193) to retention of full copyrights by storytellers, to retention of certain rights by facilitating organisations (for example, broadcast rights by community radio stations and public service broadcasters), and a range of other shared rights arrangements between professional creative practitioners, the individual storytellers and communities with which they collaborate, media outlets, exhibitors and funders. This paper also considers how aesthetic and ethical considerations shape responses to questions of intellectual property rights in community media arts contexts. For example, embedded in the CDS digital storytelling method is ‘a critique of power and the numerous ways that rank is unconsciously expressed in engagements between classes, races and gender’ (Lambert 117). The CDS method privileges the interests of the storyteller and, through a transformative workshop process, aims to generate original individual stories that, in turn, reflect self-awareness of ‘how much the way we live is scripted by history, by social and cultural norms, by our own unique journey through a contradictory, and at times hostile, world’ (Lambert 118). Such a critical approach is characteristic of co-creative media practices. It extends to a heightened awareness of the risks of ‘story theft’ and the challenges of ownership and informs ideas of ‘best practice’ amongst creative practitioners, teaching artists and community media producers, along with commitments to achieving equitable solutions for all participants in co-creative media practice (for example, Lyons-Reid and Kuddell nd.). Yet, there is surprisingly little written about the challenges of managing intellectual property produced in co-creative media activities. A dialogic sense of ownership in stories has been identified as an indicator of successful digital storytelling practice (Hayes and Matusov 2005) and is helpful to grounding the more abstract claims of empowerment for social participation that are associated with co-creative methods. Contrary to the ‘change from below’ philosophy that underpins much thinking about co-creative media, however, discussions of intellectual property usually focus on how methods such as digital storytelling contribute to the formation of copyright law-compliant subjects, particularly when used in educational settings (for example, Ohler nd.). This also exposes the reliance of co-creative methods on the creative assets storytellers (rather than on the copyrighted materials of the media cultures of storytellers) as a pragmatic response to the constraints that intellectual property right laws impose on the entire category of participatory media. At the level of practical politics, it also becomes apparent that co-creative media practitioners and storytellers located in copyright jurisdictions governed by ‘fair use’ principles have much greater creative flexibility than those located in jurisdictions governed by ‘fair dealing’ principles.

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Prostitution has been closely associated with the transportation of women convicts to British penal colonies. Convict labor was used to found a number of British colonies including Barbados, Jamaica, Maryland, Virginia, Singapore, New South Wales, Tasmania, and Western Australia. Between 1607 and 1939, Britain transported approximately 400,000 convicts, 162,000 of whom came to Australia and about 50,000 to North America. Significant numbers of women were among those transported to the Australian and North American colonies, although their numbers were relatively small in comparison to male convicts. Transportation was typically reserved for the most recalcitrant of female offenders. Most women transported came from working-class populations, resided in metropolitan centers, and were single at the time of their offense. Although few of these women were actually sentenced for activities associated with prostitution, large numbers had a history of involvement with prostitution. Transportation was considered to offer prostitutes a chance at redemption, with colonial commentators drawing contrasts between the Old World and its vice-ridden sensuality and the colonies, which offered opportunities for redemption through religious devotion and hard work. Many women transported to the Australian colonies were described by officials as being "on the town" at their time of apprehension and were collectively considered to be "damned whores, possessed of neither virtue nor honesty". Recently, historians have argued that these assessments were emblematic of middle-class prejudices toward the open and aggressive sexuality of working-class women. The number of convict women involved in prostitution may have been higher than recorded crimes, typically involving "larceny", suggest. A number of women were charged with theft from men who had paid them (or, in some instances, refused to pay them) for sex. Historians have estimated that one in five convict women were part-time or full-time prostitutes before transportation. Many continued in prostitution after transportation, with prostitution becoming an important element in the social and economic life of the Australian colonies, where, between 1788-1830, men outnumbered women six to one. Officially, prostitution was tolerated to dissuade men from vice. For women, prostitution presented a means of securing physical protection and accommodation at a time when general amenities and employment opportunities were restricted.

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Purpose This study aims to use opportunity as a theoretical lens to investigate how the spatio-temporal and social dimensions of the consumption environment create perceived opportunities for consumers to misbehave. Design/methodology/approach Drawing on routine activity theory and social impact theory, the authors use two experiments to demonstrate that spatio-temporal and social dimensions can explain consumer theft in retail settings. Findings Study 1 reveals mixed empirical support for the basic dimensions of routine activity theory, which posits that the opportunity to thieve is optimised when a motivated offender, suitable target and the absence of a capable formal guardian transpire in time and space. Extending the notion of guardianship, Study 2 tests social impact theory and shows that informal guardianship impacts the likelihood of theft under optimal routine activity conditions. Originality/value The study findings highlight important implications for academicians and retail managers: rather than focusing on the uncontrollable characteristics of thieving offenders, more controllable spatio-temporal and social factors of the retail environment can be actively monitored and manipulated to reduce perceived opportunities for consumer misbehaviour.

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In this research we modelled computer network devices to ensure their communication behaviours meet various network standards. By modelling devices as finite-state machines and examining their properties in a range of configurations, we discovered a flaw in a common network protocol and produced a technique to improve organisations' network security against data theft.

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The Eastern Mafia Threat policy, crime phenomena, and cultural meanings An interdisciplinary research on the crime phenomena and the threat policy relating to the organized crime and the mafia of Russia and Estonia is based on 151 expert interviews, statistics, documents, research literature, and press material. The main part of the material consists of interviews of the Finnish, Estonian and Russian police authorities specialized in the problem of organized crime, and the reports on the crime situation drawn up in the Finnish diplomatic representations in Tallinn and St Petersburg. The interviews have been gathered in the years 1996-2001. The main theoretical tools of the research are constructivist research on social problems, and political psychology. Definitional processes of social problems and cultural semantic structures behind them are identified in the analysis and connected to the analysis of the crime cases. Both in the Anglo-American and Russian cultural frames there appears an inflated and exaggerated talk, according to which the mafia rules everything in Russia and is spreading everywhere. There is the traditional anti-Semitic paranoia in the core of this cultural symbiosis produced by Russian legal nihilism, the theory of totalitarianism of Sovietology, and the inertia of Russian anti-capitalism. To equate the Sicilian Mafia with Russia is an anachronism, since no empirical proof of systematic uncontrolled violence or absolute power vacuum in Russia can be found. In the Anglo-American policy of threat images, "the Russian mafia" was seen as a commodified conspiracy theory, which the police, the media, and the research took advantage of, blurring the line between fact and fiction. In Finland, the evolution of the policy of threat images proceeded in three phases: Initially, extensive rolling of refugees and criminals from Russia to Finland was emphasized in the beginning of the 1990's. In the second phase, the eastern mafia was said to infiltrate all over Finnish society and administration. Finland was, however, found immune to this kind of spreading. In the third phase, in the 21st century, the organized crime of Finland was said to be lead from abroad. In Finland, the policy of threat images was especially canalised to moral panics connected to "eastern prostitution". In Estonia, the policy of threat images emphasized the crime organized by the Russian authorities and politicians in order to weaken Estonia. In Russia, the policy of threat images emphasized the total criminalizing of society caused by criminal capitalism. In every country, the policy of threat images was affected by a so-called large-group identity, a term by Vamik Volkan, in which a so-called chosen trauma caused a political paranoia of an outer and inner danger. In Finland, procuring, car theft, and narcotics crimes were at their widest arranged by the Finnish often with the help of the Estonians. The Russians had no influence in the most serious violent crimes in Finland, although the number of assassinations were at least 5, 000 in Russia in the 1990's. In Russia, the assassinations were on one hand connected to marital problems, on the other hand to the pursuit of public attention and a hoped-for effect by the aid of the murder of an influential person. In the white-collar crime phenomena between Finland and Russia, the Finnish state and Finnish corporations gained remarkable benefit of the frauds aimed at the states of the Soviet Union and Russia in 1980's-21st century. The situation of Estonia was very difficult compared to that of Russia in the 1990's, which was manifested in the stagnation of the Estonian police and judicial authorities, the crimes of the police and the voluntary paramilitary organization, bomb explosions, the rebellion called "the jaeger crisis" in the voluntary paramilitary organization, and the "blood autumn" of Eastern Virumaa, in other words terror. The situation of Estonia had a powerful effect on the crime situation of Finland and on the security of the Finnish diplomats. In the continuum of the Finnish policy of threat images, Russia and the Russians were, however, presented as a source of a marked danger.

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Resumen: En el presente artículo el autor se ocupa de reseñar las circunstancias que rodearon el robo de la corona de la Virgen de Luján, bendecida por el papa León XIII en 1887. Diez años después de la solemne fiesta de la coronación pontificia esta primorosa joya, confeccionada por el acreditado orfebre parisino Poussielgue-Rusand, fue sustraída del camarín donde se veneraba la Sagrada Imagen. La recuperación y restitución motivó la organización de una multitudinaria peregrinación al Santuario de Luján que puso de manifiesto la profunda devoción del pueblo argentino a su Patrona.

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This paper is aimed at government, non-government organizations, intergovernmental organizations and the general public as they work toward the development of their individual strategies and action plans. It has been recognized that community-based organizations have a particular relevance to the pursuit of sustainable resource management and may well contribute to the foundations of self-sustenance. Women on Lake Victoria, Tanzania presently face great challenges within the fishery. These include the lack of capital, interference by men, theft of fishing gear, time constraints and socio-cultural problems. In recent years, the fish trading and marketing sectors of the fishery, which have traditionally been dominated by women, have seen large incursions by male entrepreneurs. This move has endangered the role of women within the fishery. This paper focuses on the Tweyambe Fishing Enterprise (TFE), a well-known women's group based in Kasheno village in the Muleba District of Kagera Region in northwestern Tanzania. Inhabitants from the Haya ethnic group who make up some 95% of the population of Kagera Region dominate this village. The TFE has a series of initiatives aimed towards ecologically sound self-development

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Since 1993, annual frame surveys have been conducted by the Nigerian-German Kainji Lake Fisheries Promotion Project to determine the distribution and number of fishing localities, fishing canoes and fishing gears around Kainji Lake, Nigeria. The total number of fishing localities has increased from 221 in 1993 to 286 in 1996. The fishing localities included 245 permanent fishing villages, 29 permanent fishing camps, 8 temporary fishing camps (with fishermen from Kainji Lake) and 4 temporary fishing camps (with fishermen from outside Kainji Lake area). There was an increase in the total number of fishing entrepreneurs, fishing assistants and fishing canoes over the years. A total number of 5,499 fishing entrepreneurs, 12,449 fishing assistants and 9,278 fishing canoes were recorded during the 1996 frame survey. From 1995 there was a decrease in the number of shoreline fisherfolk and a decrease in the number of transport canoes, the number of engines remained the same. During the 1996 survey, a total number of 18,655 gill nets, 1,560 drift nets, 753 beach seines, 5,548 cast nets, 7,400 longlines and 36,979 traps were recorded. The concentration of the gears (number per km shoreline) was highest in substrata 06 and 08. The total number of gill nets increased from 17,680 in 1995 to 18,655 in 1996. For the remaining 5 gear types a decrease in number was observed. Despite increasing numbers of gears on the lake, of concern is the decline recorded in all the fishing methods of the number of gears owned by individual entrepreneurs. This was most notable in the gill net and longline fisheries. These two fisheries have the lowest daily catch values and coupled with the problem of gear theft on the lake, ownership in future, may be expected to fall further. The number of larger fishing units also declined as did the number of gears new entrants enter the fishery with. The decline is particularly worrying for the beach seine fishery where diversification into other fishing methods would be beneficial in light of the present ban on seines. The group of not active fishing entrepreneurs (those who do not themselves participate in fishing activities) had the highest ownership of gears whilst the new entrants into the fishery had the lowest. There was evidence that these new entrants into the fishery were using cast nets which is worrying given the trend of using smaller mesh size of this gearSince 1993, annual frame surveys have been conducted by the Nigerian-German Kainji Lake Fisheries Promotion Project to determine the distribution and number of fishing localities, fishing canoes and fishing gears around Kainji Lake, Nigeria. The total number of fishing localities has increased from 221 in 1993 to 286 in 1996. The fishing localities included 245 permanent fishing villages, 29 permanent fishing camps, 8 temporary fishing camps (with fishermen from Kainji Lake) and 4 temporary fishing camps (with fishermen from outside Kainji Lake area). There was an increase in the total number of fishing entrepreneurs, fishing assistants and fishing canoes over the years. A total number of 5,499 fishing entrepreneurs, 12,449 fishing assistants and 9,278 fishing canoes were recorded during the 1996 frame survey. From 1995 there was a decrease in the number of shoreline fisherfolk and a decrease in the number of transport canoes, the number of engines remained the same. During the 1996 survey, a total number of 18,655 gill nets, 1,560 drift nets, 753 beach seines, 5,548 cast nets, 7,400 longlines and 36,979 traps were recorded. The concentration of the gears (number per km shoreline) was highest in substrata 06 and 08. The total number of gill nets increased from 17,680 in 1995 to 18,655 in 1996. For the remaining 5 gear types a decrease in number was observed. Despite increasing numbers of gears on the lake, of concern is the decline recorded in all the fishing methods of the number of gears owned by individual entrepreneurs. This was most notable in the gill net and longline fisheries. These two fisheries have the lowest daily catch values and coupled with the problem of gear theft on the lake, ownership in future, may be expected to fall further. The number of larger fishing units also declined as did the number of gears new entrants enter the fishery with. The decline is particularly worrying for the beach seine fishery where diversification into other fishing methods would be beneficial in light of the present ban on seines. The group of not active fishing entrepreneurs (those who do not themselves participate in fishing activities) had the highest ownership of gears whilst the new entrants into the fishery had the lowest. There was evidence that these new entrants into the fishery were using cast nets which is worrying given the trend of using smaller mesh size of this gear. (PDF contains 44 pages)

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As transformações sociais advindas da popularização de Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação (TICs) como a Internet são flagrantes. E a regulamentação destas novas práticas deve ser condizente com as peculiaridades das relações jurídicas desenvolvidas neste âmbito. Este trabalho visa analisar o problema da responsabilidade civil por danos à pessoa humana sofridos no âmbito dos sites de redes sociais pela criação e uso de perfis falsos. Assim, primeiramente, faz-se uma análise introdutória do fenômeno da Internet e das visões sobre as possíveis formas de regulamentação jurídica das condutas praticadas por meio da Rede. Posteriormente, adstringe-se à temática dos danos morais, buscando-se conceituá-los sob a ótica civil constitucional, como danos à pessoa humana. Finalmente, chega-se ao estudo dos perfis falsos, enfrentando-se a problemática dos danos morais sofridos por seu manejo. São desdobradas em três subproblemas: se são ou não capazes civilmente os usuários, chegando-se ao estudo dos perfis de menores de idade; se existem ou não as pessoas representadas nos perfis, subdividindo-se a análise nas hipóteses de perfis criados em roubo de identidade e perfis que representem criações intelectuais e; se estão ou não vivas as pessoas descritas nos perfis, trazendo-se à baila a hipótese dos perfis de pessoas falecidas.

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Ghost fishing is the term used to describe the continued capture of fish and other living organisms after a fisherman has lost all control over the gear. Traps may be lost for a variety of reasons including theft, vandalism, abandonment, interactions with other gear, fouling on the bottom (i.e., traps and ropes are caught on rocky substrate), bad weather, and human error (Laist, 1995). Annual trap loss can be as high as 20% to 50% of fished traps in some fisheries (Al-Masroori et al., 2004). Because lost traps can continue to fish for long periods, albeit with decreasing efficiency over time (e.g., Smolowitz, 1978; Breen, 1987, 1990; Guillory, 1993), ghost fishing is a concern in fisheries worldwide.

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Este trabalho de dissertação tem por objetivo refleti sobre a inserção e a permanência de jovens da periferia da cidade de Salvador em atividades criminosas. Para a maioria dos entrevistados, a inserção no crime aconteceu ainda nos primeiros anos da adolescência. Hoje eles são jovens-adultos que consideram a atividade criminal um trabalho que possibilita a construção da autonomia de um sujeito-homem. A maioria dos informantes está envolvida especificamente no crime contra o patrimônio, o furto, e a especificidade da ação permite excluí-lo do âmbito do crime violento. A ação criminal elege como locus de atuação lojas de departamento de diferentes shoppings centers da cidade e também festas populares como o carnaval, micaretas, São João e shows de grande porte ao redor do Brasil. Nesta atividade eles se auto intitulam de descuidistas. As teorias acionadas na compreensão do problema em questão foram: teoria do curso de vida, acumulação de desvantagem, controle social e rotulação, além do conceito de construção de um sujeitohomem através do crime. A pesquisa foi realizada em um bairro considerado um dos mais violentos da cidade de Salvador: Fazenda Coutos.

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Since 2001, NOAA National Centers for Coastal Ocean Science (NCCOS), Center for Coastal Monitoring and Assessment’s (CCMA) Biogeography Branch (BB) has been working with federal and territorial partners to characterize, monitor, and assess the status of the marine environment across the U.S. Virgin Islands (USVI). At the request of the St. Thomas Fisherman’s Association (STFA) and NOAA Marine Debris Program, CCMA BB developed new partnerships and novel technologies to scientifically assess the threat from derelict fish traps (DFTs). Traps are the predominant gear used for finfish and lobster harvesting in St. Thomas and St. John. Natural phenomena (ground swells, hurricanes) and increasing competition for space by numerous user groups have generated concern about increasing trap loss and the possible ecological, as well as economic, ramifications. Prior to this study, there was a general lack of knowledge regarding derelict fish traps in the Caribbean. No spatially explicit information existed regarding fishing effort, abundance and distribution of derelict traps, the rate at which active traps become derelict, or areas that are prone to dereliction. Furthermore, there was only limited information regarding the impacts of derelict traps on natural resources including ghost fishing. This research identified two groups of fishing communities in the region: commercial fishing that is most active in deeper waters (30 m and greater) and an unknown number of unlicensed subsistence and or commercial fishers that fish closer to shore in shallower waters (30 m and less). In the commercial fishery there are an estimated 6,500 active traps (fish and lobster combined). Of those traps, nearly 8% (514) were reported lost during the 2008-2010 period. Causes of loss/dereliction include: movement of the traps or loss of trap markers due to entanglement of lines by passing vessels; theft; severe weather events (storms, large ground swells); intentional disposal by fishermen; traps becoming caught on various bottom structures (natural substrates, wrecks, etc.); and human error.