100 resultados para scandal
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Thèse réalisée en cotutelle avec l’Université Charles-de-Gaulle – Lille-3 pour l'obtention du diplôme de doctorat en Langue et littérature françaises.
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Ce mémoire documente l’émergence d’une sous-culture gaie masculine dans la région montréalaise entre 1860 et 1910 et s’intéresse aux discours et à la répression envers les hommes ayant des comportements homosexuels ou d’inversion de genre. Par l’analyse de sources journalistiques, judiciaires et juridiques, il déconstruit une série de préjugés, notamment à l’égard des sources, présumées pauvres; du discours public sur les comportements homosexuels, supposé inexistant; et des hommes qui avaient ces comportements, que plusieurs imaginent invisibles et isolés les uns des autres. Il montre au contraire que des archives variées révèlent une vie « gaie » et le déploiement d’une opinion publique à son égard. Ainsi, l’analyse d’un important corpus d’articles de journaux et une étude de cas portant sur deux des plus anciens clubs homosexuels connus au Québec, démantelés en 1892 et en 1908, confirment l’existence de réseaux de sociabilités « gaies » dans la région montréalaise, dès le XIXe siècle. Ce faisant, il dévoile l’existence de pratiques caractéristiques des sous-cultures gaies telles que l’usage d’un vocabulaire spécifique ou l’adoption de manières efféminées par certains hommes que l’on qualifierait aujourd’hui d’homosexuels.
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Free media may not favor political accountability when other democratic institutions are weak, and may even bring undesirable unintended consequences. We propose a simple model in which politicians running for office may engage in coercion to obtain votes. A media scandal that exposes these candidates increases their coercion effort to offset the negative popularity shock. This may result in the tainted politicians actually increasing their vote share. We provide empirical evidence from one recent episode in the political history of Colombia, the ‘parapolitics’ scandal featuring politicians colluding with illegal armed paramilitary groups to obtain votes. We show that colluding candidates not only get more votes than their clean competitors, but also concentrate them in areas where coercion is more likely (namely, areas with more paramilitary presence, less state presence, and more judicial inefficiency). Harder to reconcile with other explanations and as a direct test of the effects of media exposure, we compare tainted candidates exposed before elections to those exposed after. We find that those exposed before elections get as many votes as those exposed once elected, but their electoral support is more strongly concentrated in places where coercion is more likely. Our re
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Esta investigación se centra en la Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) como organización política. Intenta responder dos interrogantes primordiales: 1) ¿cómo la FIFA ha constituido el poder que tiene actualmente y, así, hacerse del monopolio indiscutido del fútbol? Y 2) ¿cómo ha cambiado en el tiempo la política interna de FIFA y su vínculo con la política internacional? Para lograr esto, se realiza un estudio histórico, basado principalmente en documentos, que intenta caracterizar y analizar los cambios de la organización en el tiempo. Se enfatizan las últimas dos presidencias de FIFA, de João Havelange y Joseph Blatter, como casos de estudio.
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Traditional approaches to the way people react to food risks often focus on ways in which the media distort information about risk, or on the deficiencies in people’s interpretation of this information. In this chapter Jones offers an alternative model which sees decisions regarding food risk as taking place at a complex nexus where different people, texts, objects and practices, each with their own histories, come together. Based on a case study of a food scandal involving a particular brand of Chinese candy, Jones argues that understanding why people respond the way they do to food risk requires tracing the itineraries along which different people, texts, objects and practices have traveled to converge at particular moments, and understanding the kinds of concrete social actions that these convergences make possible.
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A abertura democrática no Brasil criou um otimismo com a possibilidade do resolver seus problemas crônicos como inflação e corrupção. Foi feita uma panacéia sobre democracia; da democracia surgiriam as soluções para todos os males. Entretanto, a história recente mostra que a democracia não coincide com a eliminação da corrupção e inflação crônicas. Ao contrário, a corrupção causou danos a algumas instituições fundamentais da democracia como o Presidente e o Congresso. Infelizmente, a corrupção é muito perigosa para a democracia. Como observou Tocqueville, com sua perspicácia natural, o povo ate tolera a corrupção numa tirania, por ser um fato comum neste tipo de governo. Não obstante, em uma democracia, a corrupção e inaceitável porque pessoas comuns são eleitas para representar cidadãos, e não para trabalhar contra eles. Os últimos escândalos envolvendo corrupção no Brasil, como o caso Collor e principalmente o uso "inadequado" do orçamento nacional foram importantes porque mostraram a incapacidade da sociedade para controlar este fator de risco institucional. É interessante notar que em outros grandes casos de corrupção na América Latina, como no Gráu, Cuba, Portillo, México ou mesmo na Venezuela, durante os eufóricos anos 70, a situação econômica e até mesmo política não eram ruins. Entretanto, no Brasil, aparentemente, a corrupção política cresceu num período de crises estruturais. Infelizmente este fato tem um resultado considerável: o crescente pessimismo do homem comum sobre o futuro. Entretanto a corrupção pode ser estudada cientificamente. Pode ser vista como uma escolha racional de comportamento compelido por instituições e esquemas de incentivos. Talvez alguns resultados interessantes possam emergir deste tipo de especulação histórica e teórica sobre o comportamento corrupto. Este é o maior objetivo deste estudo.
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It is very relevant, for academic or for society purposes as a whole the subject "corruption", a recurring problem that plagues companies and Governments in various parts of the world. Many recent cases draw attention to this topic, but one in particular, the case of corruption of the company Siemens AG, that resulted in the payment of the largest fines in the history on your model, based on the terms of the FCPA since it became law in 1977. This event caters specifically to the objective of this work which is to make an analysis based on agency theory and the codes of good practices of corporate governance on how large companies revising their corporate management systems and practices aiming at the recovery of its institutional image after significant impact on the company, such as the corruption scandal in which Siemens was involved. For this study, we opted for qualitative research as a methodological path contemplating the single case study. In the process of data collection were used data obtained through documentary research about the corruption scandal on public collection available in the internet. Open conversations were made with 3 compliance Department officials of Siemens for the purposes of understanding the case with. At the end of this work, it was observed in the Siemens turnaround process a correlation between what was proposed by the Agency Theory about internal control Systems based on what was accomplished by the company when promoted an extensive restructuring of the Department of compliance and corporate governance system, the improvement of internal controls, as well as the creation of detection tools , control, analysis and prevention of fraud, which were used to minimize the effects generated by the conflict of interest covered by the theory of Agency. KEY WORDS: Corporate Governance; Compliance; Corruption; Turnaround, Agency Theory
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The aim of this Master’s thesis has been to shed light on the response strategies that organizations are implementing when facing a crisis created on or amplified by social media. Since the development of social media in the late 1990s, the interplay between the online and the offline spheres has become more complex, and characterized by dynamics of a new magnitude, as exemplified by the wave of “Twitter” Revolutions or the Wikileaks scandal in the mid 2000s, where online behaviors deeply affected an offline reality. The corporate world does not escape to this worldwide phenomenon, and there are more and more examples of organizational reputations destroyed by social media “fireballs”. As such, this research aims to investigate, through the analysis of six recent cases of corporate crises (2013-2015) from France and Brazil, different strategies currently in use in order to identify examples of good and bad practices for companies to adopt or avoid when facing a social media crisis. The first part of this research is dedicated to a review of the literature on crisis management and social media. From that review, we were able to design a matrix model, the Social Media Crisis Management Matrix, with which we analyzed the response strategies of the six companies we selected. This model allows the conceptualization of social media crises in a multidimensional matrix built to allow the choice, according to four parameters, of the most efficient (that is: which will limit the reputational damage) response strategy. Attribution of responsibility for the crisis to the company by stakeholders, the origin of the crisis (internal or external), the degree of reputational threat, and the emotions conveyed online by stakeholders help companies determining whether to adopt a defensive response, or an accommodative response. The results of the analysis suggest that social media crises are rather manichean objects for they are, unlike their traditional offline counterparts, characterized by emotional involvement and irrationality, and cannot be dealt with traditionally. Thus analyzing the emotions of stakeholders proved to be, in these cases, an accurate thermometer of the seriousness of the crisis, and as such, a better rudder to follow when selecting a response strategy. Consequently, in the cases, companies minimized their reputational damage when responding to their stakeholders in an accommodative way, regardless of the “objective” situation, which might be a change of paradigm in crisis management.
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As empresas estatais são freqüentemente consideradas como componentes cruciais da economia de um país. Eles são responsáveis pela criação de vários postos de trabalho e proveem serviços essenciais que exigem um grande investimento de capital. Porém, em países com instituições fracas, onde a responsabilidade dos políticos é limitada e a gestão dos recursos financeiros das empresas estatais sofre pouco controle, os funcionários são muitas vezes tentados pela corrupção. Enormes quantidades de fundos públicos são facilmente desviados, e dinheiro que deveria ter sido investido nas despesas de capital, no pagamento de dívida da empresa ou no aumento do retorno para os acionistas, é usado para aumentar a riqueza privada de indivíduos ou para financiar ilegalmente partidos políticos. O desempenho da empresa sofre com essas alienações visto que parte dos lucros da empresa não são reinvestidos na empresa e dado que incentivos dos gestores estão desalinhados com os interesses dos acionistas. Petrobras, a maior empresa da América Latina em termos de ativos e receitas anuais, sofreu em 2014 e 2015 um escândalo de corrupção imenso, cujo impacto económico foi considerável, levando ao enfraquecimento da confiança de muitos investidores no Brasil após o evento. O escândalo expôs um extenso esquema de corrupção através do qual os contratantes foram conspirando para aumentar os preços de contratos de construção, com a aprovação da administração da Petrobras que pediu em troca ganhos pessoais ou fundos para o Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). A exposição do escândalo na imprensa brasileira teve um grande impacto sobre a credibilidade da Petrobras: as contas da empresa estavam escondendo imensas irregularidades dado que a empresa tinha pago demais para os contratos de construção que não foram precificados no valor do mercado. Ao longo deste estudo, usamos o exemplo da Petrobras para ilustrar como a corrupção dentro empresas estatais prejudica o desempenho da empresa e como ela afeta as várias partes interessadas da empresa.
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Pós-graduação em Comunicação - FAAC
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Pós-graduação em Comunicação - FAAC
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This thesis will cover sports controversies throughout the 20th Century in the context of the media’s newspaper coverage of the events. The 1919 Black Sox Scandal, the debate over American participation in the 1936 Olympics, and Muhammad Ali’s conversion to the Nation of Islam, standing as a notorious public figure, and conscientious objection to the Vietnam War will represent the three sports controversies. The media’s adherence to cultural norms is clear in all three cases. The consistent devotion to the cultural and racial atmosphere of their respective eras was constant and helped to perpetuate accepted, mainstream cultural attitudes. Cultural and racial norms were followed in the coverage of the three discussed controversies. The anti-Semitism and racially intolerant sentiments in America during great waves of immigration in the early 1900s allowed for journalists to freely vilify Jews as corrupters of baseball and the ballplayers who were rumored to have thrown the 1919 World Series. The white ballplayers were supported in the press, who protected their own and blamed outsiders. Jim Crow and the Americanization movement forced African American and Jewish newspapers to limit their journalistic bias on both sides of the debate over American participation in the 1936 Berlin Olympics. The white, mainstream press was void of bias as the spirit of isolationism in America triumphed over journalist’s leanings in the Olympic debate. The racial tension created by the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s created an atmosphere that allowed mainstream journalists to heap endless criticism on Muhammad Ali as he gained fame. By portraying him as a villain of society as both a religious radical and traitor to America, journalists created a common enemy in the minds of white America. In all three cases, a pattern of journalists expressing the state of cultural and racial norms of the era is present and significant.
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ContentsPoll: How do you beat the heat?One-on-one: Lynette PohlmanEditorial: Scandal shows neglect by ISULocal acts get pumped to play 80/35Warner brothers race to Olympics
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In October 1930, violent action of the Polish security forces against the Ukrainian population in Eastern Galicia resulted in an international campaign for the Ukrainians in Poland. Its central claim was the condemnation of these incidents as a violation of the Minorities Treaty of the League of Nations. The article focuses on the involved British extra-parliamentary groups and their international federations as well as leftist intellectuals, socialist parties and the Labour and Socialist International. In most cases, the commitment of the activists was motivated by the desire to expose a humanitarian scandal while the implementation of minority rights played a minor role. When it turned out that the first reports had presented an exaggerated version of the events, they shifted their focus to the Polish opposition whose persecution started in November 1930.
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El cuento "La narración de la historia" de Carlos Correas (1931-2000) se publicó en la Revista Centro, en 1959, y provocó un escándalo que llevó al secuestro de lo que sería el último número de esta publicación por parte de la Justicia. Correas había incurrido en una flagrante transgresión a los límites de lo decible en el discurso social de fines de la década del 50, inmerso en lo que Oscar Terán ha denominado "proceso de modernización cultural posperonista". En este trabajo examino el relato de Correas como emergencia de una subjetividad novedosa que permitiría establecer un puente entre la dimensión socio-sexual y estética del mundo ficcional de Arlt y la que unos años más tarde aparecerá configurada en la narrativa de Manuel Puig