974 resultados para media representations


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An examination of the historical narrative patterns of gendered justice in Australian media representations of high profile court cases. Includes discussion of the Chamberlain Case, the Dianne Brimble cruise ship death case, and the Jill Meagher rape and murder

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This chapter examines gendered and sexual heirarchies in public relations workplaces.Specifically it investigates the clothes-body complex and two case studies of sexual harassment, together with the media representations of these cases, in order to discuss how reform in this area may build better social relations, equality and diversity. 

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Mainstream news coverage of ‘remote’ Indigenous Australia is arguably one of the most distinctive forms of Australian journalism practice. While there has been considerable scholarly interest in news media representations of ‘remote’ Indigenous people, little research has been done until now on the logic or operations of this reporting specialisation. This monograph presents a Bourdieuian analysis of the subfield based in the insights study participants offered in interviews undertaken as part of The Media and Indigenous Policy project. It analyses the reporting subfield through an investigation of the practices participants say shape the way white, mainstream journalists understand their role, its possibilities and limitations. Reporting specialists spoke of the geographical and ontological distances they have to negotiate in dealing with Indigenous and government sources, as well as the ways in which they are constrained by institutional pressures. They attribute many of the difficulties with covering ‘remote’ Indigenous issues to factors linked with these physical and cultural distances.

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Social violence is one of the phenomena of human life that produce effects on the social imaginary as it is in it that are designed conflicting values concerning what is most vital to humans, such as respect for the strength and the fear of death, pleasure trespass for injury and pain, the rejection of injustice and anger that is born of revolt. The variability of feelings and reasons that constitute violence has required academic knowledge increasingly sensitive reflections that encompass the complexity of its manifestations. The feeling of fear and insecurity which constitute the collective social imagination has caused large changes in the behavior of both individuals and the society as a whole. This study aims to reflect on media representations the social violence in Natal-RN. Through a thematic survey and documentary analysis of three newspapers of Rio Grande do Norte - Tribuna do Norte, Novo Jornal and Jornal Metropolitano - was possible to list events and trace different discursive strategies that lead to receptors ideological interests of class, constitute social and spatial segregations and maximize violations of rights and of the human dignity, with important implications in the construction of social representations concerning the reality of violence

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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In the Iron Range Strike of 1916, working-class wives picketed alongside their husbands in a conflict-ridden and dangerous setting. Mine deputies abused immigrant women on the picket lines and in their homes, with several disquieting reports receiving statewide attention in Minnesota. Many middle-class reformers in the Twin Cities grew sympathetic to the plight of northern mining families and became controversially involved the labor struggle. Some middleclass women worked alongside working-class wives and radical organizers from the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). At the center of this gendered analysis is the cross-class cooperation between an upper-middle class woman, Lenora Austin Hamlin, a radical reformer, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, and the story of a working-class housewife, Mikla Masonovich. This study will ask how authentic, prevalent, and unproblematic their stories of cross-class cohesive action actually were. In answering this, it will address and identify those factors that impeded women’s potential for unity. “Flash in the Pan” argues that as a result of both real and perceived differences, these networks of women remained isolated, inhibiting each from gaining sufficient power to work cohesively, and marginalizing their influence. Drawing upon a variety of sources, including media representations in newspapers, and archives of social, labor and women’s organizations, this regional study lends state-level insight into the larger gender-labor historiography.

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This paper investigates media representations of international insecurity through a selection of newspaper cartoons from some of the major daily Australian broadsheets. Since 2001, cartoonists such as Bruce Petty, John Spooner and Bill Leak (in The Age and The Australian) have provided an ongoing and vehement critique of the Australian government’s policies of ‘border protection’, the ‘war on terror’ and the words of mass distraction associated with Australia joining the war in Iraq. Cartoonists are often said to represent the ‘citizen’s perspective’ of public life through their graphic satire on the editorial pages of our daily newspapers. Increasingly, they can also be seen to be fulfilling the role of public intellectuals, defined by Richard A. Posner as ‘someone whose place it is publicly to raise embarrassing questions, to confront orthodoxy and dogma, to be someone who cannot easily be co-opted by governments and corporations’. Cartoonists enjoy an independence and freedom from censorship that is rarely extended to their journalistic colleagues in the print media and it is this independence that is the vital component in their being categorised as public intellectuals. Their role is to ‘question over and over again what is postulated as self-evident, to disturb people’s mental habits, to dissipate what is familiar and accepted, to re-examine rules and institutions’ (Posner, 2003: 31). With this useful — if generalised — definition in mind, the paper considers how cartoonists have contributed to debates concerning international insecurity in public life since 2001.

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A premissa do estudo compreende a existência de forças de poder nos retratos sobre o Islã no jornalismo internacional. Sabe-se que o Islã, em termos culturais e políticos, apresenta maior visibilidade a partir dos atos de 11 de setembro de 2001. Nesse sentido, a pesquisa entende que esse momento desempenha, na história, um fenômeno político de forte impacto e significação ideológica. Como objeto de análise, o estudo aborda as representações discursivas (Análise de Discurso) e as interconexões com (e do) Islã na Folha de S. Paulo e no Estado de S. Paulo, tendo por corpus o material publicado pelos jornais, na Editoria Internacional, nos 15 dias anteriores e posteriores à data que marcou, historicamente, os 10 anos do ataque às Torres Gêmeas. A tese também faz um inventário histórico-cultural da formação do Oriente Moderno e do Islã, da construção do Diferente na história e do Outro-Islã, além do resgate do jornalismo internacional. Observou-se, nas generalizações e nas simplificações das representações do Islã da mídia analisada, um retrato aproximado das ações dos fundamentalistas islâmicos, instruindo o contexto complexo do Islã como o Outro, o Diferente da história atual, denegando a ele suas atribuições culturais de autenticidade e de alteridade.

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No contexto da comunicação midiática e suas mediações socioculturais, a tese traz como proposta central uma análise das representações do jornalista no cinema e das apropriações dessas narrativas por aqueles que desejam seguir a profissão no futuro. Buscou-se mostrar que o cinema contribui no imaginário sobre a profissão, trazendo estereótipos sobre o fazer jornalístico. Além disso, ele influencia muitos a seguirem a carreira, também colaborando na forma como os estudantes acreditam que será sua profissão no futuro. O corpus da pesquisa é constituído por 50 filmes que apresentam jornalistas, sendo que três foram analisados em profundidade, por trazerem temas recorrentes e criarem traços de mitologia sobre a profissão: A montanha dos sete abutres, Todos os homens do presidente e Intrigas de Estado. Os parâmetros metodológicos incluem: o levantamento bibliográfico, a análise em profundidade, a exibição de obras, a realização de debates livres e a aplicação de questionários estruturados. A fundamentação teórica inclui autores como Edgar Morin, Stella Senra, Brian McNair, Roland Barthes, Cornelius Castoriadis, Raymond Williams e Jesús Martín-Barbero.Como objetivos específicos, buscou-se: 1) realizar um panorama dos Journalism movies e sua evolução, determinando tipos e temas recorrentes; 2) identificar a criação de possíveis mitologias sobre o Jornalismo por meio do cinema; 3) identificar sintonias e dissonâncias na forma como as imagens são apropriadas por estudantes de Jornalismo, contribuindo na criação de um imaginário próprio sobre a profissão.

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On the night of April 20, 2010, a group of students from the University of Puerto Rico (UPR), Río Piedras campus, met to organize an indefinite strike that quickly broadened into a defense of accessible public higher education of excellence as a fundamental right and not a privilege. Although the history of student activism in the UPR can be traced back to the early 1900s, the 2010-2011 strike will be remembered for the student activists’ use of new media technologies as resources that rapidly prompted and aided the numerous protests. This activist research entailed a critical ethnography and a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of traditional and alternative media coverage and treatment during the 2010 -2011 UPR student strike. I examined the use of the 2010-2011 UPR student activists’ resistance performances in constructing local, corporeal, and virtual spaces of resistance and contention during their movement. In particular, I analyzed the different tactics and strategies of resistance or repertoire of collective actions that student activists used (e.g. new media technologies) to frame their collective identities via alternative news media’s (re)presentation of the strike, while juxtaposing the university administration’s counter-resistance performances in counter-framing the student activists’ collective identity via traditional news media representations of the strike. I illustrated how both traditional and alternative media (re)presentations of student activism developed, maintained, and/or modified students activists’ collective identities. As such, the UPR student activism’s success should not be measured by the sum of demands granted, but by the sense of community achieved and the establishment of networks that continue to create resistance and change. These networks add to the debate surrounding Internet activism and its impact on student activism. Ultimately, the results of this study highlight the important role student movements have had in challenging different types of government policies and raising awareness of the importance of an accessible public higher education of excellence.

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Sex workers are members of our communities, whether they are local or national communities. In law, mainstream media representations, and research sex workers are positioned as outside of or in opposition to communities. Even within marginalized communities sex workers are excluded when appeals to respectability politics are made. In this thesis I analyze three analytic sites from three areas of social life. The first chapter performs a textual analysis of The Bedford Decision (2013) and the resulting Protection of Communities and Exploited Persons Act (2014) as an examination of law. The second chapter is an analysis of filmic discourse on community, sex workers, and violence in the mainstream film London Road (2015) as an examination of mainstream media. The third chapter draws upon empirical research, i.e. in-depth interviews with three current and former sex workers in Ottawa, Canada and analyzes the transcripts using interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) to center how sex workers’ understanding of their work, community, and the laws and policies that are supposed govern and protect them. In my preface and conclusion I discuss some of the ethical dilemmas I encountered while conducting this research. My findings suggest that sex workers are being positioned and understood as outside of communities in ways that contribute to violence against sex workers. The implications of this research suggest that people who speak in the name of communities—communities in the sense of local neighborhood communities, activist communities, and national communities—need to recognize that sex workers are part of their communities and be accountable to ensuring they are treated as members. Researchers who conduct research on sex work and sex workers need to be accountable to their participants and the impacts their research may have on laws and policies. Sex workers are an over-researched population yet their voices are largely misappropriated or silenced in popular research and policy debates.

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In this article we analyse the emergence of Internet activity addressing the experiences of young people in two British communities: South Asian and Chinese.We focus on two web sites: www.barficulture.com and www.britishbornchinese.org.uk, drawing on interviews with site editors, content analysis of the discussion forums, and E-mail exchanges with site users. Our analysis of these two web sites shows how collective identities still matter, being redefined rather than erased by online interaction. We understand the site content through the notion of reflexive racialisation. We use this term to modify the stress given to individualisation in accounts of reflexive modernisation. In addition we question the allocation of racialised meaning from above implied by the concept of racialisation. Internet discussion forums can act as witnesses to social inequalities and through sharing experiences of racism and marginalisation, an oppositional social perspective may develop. The online exchanges have had offline consequences: social gatherings, charitable donations and campaigns against adverse media representations. These web sites have begun to change the terms of engagement between these ethnic groups and the wider society,and they have considerable potential to develop new forms of social action.

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On the night of April 20, 2010, a group of students from the University of Puerto Rico (UPR), Río Piedras campus, met to organize an indefinite strike that quickly broadened into a defense of accessible public higher education of excellence as a fundamental right and not a privilege. Although the history of student activism in the UPR can be traced back to the early 1900s, the 2010-2011 strike will be remembered for the student activists’ use of new media technologies as resources that rapidly prompted and aided the numerous protests. ^ This activist research entailed a critical ethnography and a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of traditional and alternative media coverage and treatment during the 2010 -2011 UPR student strike. I examined the use of the 2010-2011 UPR student activists’ resistance performances in constructing local, corporeal, and virtual spaces of resistance and contention during their movement. In particular, I analyzed the different tactics and strategies of resistance or repertoire of collective actions that student activists used (e.g. new media technologies) to frame their collective identities via alternative news media’s (re)presentation of the strike, while juxtaposing the university administration’s counter-resistance performances in counter-framing the student activists’ collective identity via traditional news media representations of the strike. I illustrated how both traditional and alternative media (re)presentations of student activism developed, maintained, and/or modified students activists’ collective identities. ^ As such, the UPR student activism’s success should not be measured by the sum of demands granted, but by the sense of community achieved and the establishment of networks that continue to create resistance and change. These networks add to the debate surrounding Internet activism and its impact on student activism. Ultimately, the results of this study highlight the important role student movements have had in challenging different types of government policies and raising awareness of the importance of an accessible public higher education of excellence.^