基于APACK的额济纳天然绿洲景观空间格局分析

基于研究区2001年Landsat7ETM+遥感影像资料,综合运用遥感与GIS技术手段,利用景观格局分析软件APACK分别从景观生态类型面积统计、景观水平指数、斑块类型水平指数及斑块类型间水平指数定量化分析了2001年额济纳天然绿洲景观空间格局特征,并结合研究区1987年和1994年的景观格局指数进一步探讨了关于格局指数间的相关性问题。研究结果表明:①研究区景观具有典型的“基质—廊道—斑块”结构特征;②研究区景观具有较高破碎化、较低多样性及粗糙质地特征,景观稳定性差;③各景观格局指数相互之间并不完全独立,有些指数之间具有明显的相关性。

Sexual size dimorphism and reproductive investment by female spiders: A comparative analysis

We investigate the association between female reproductive investment, absolute size, and sexual size dimorphism in spiders to test the predictions of the fecundity-advantage hypothesis. The relationships between absolute size and sexual size dimorphism and aspects of female reproductive output are examined in comparative analyses using phylogenetically independent contrasts. We provide support for the idea that allometry for sexual dimorphism is the result of variation in female size more so than male size. Regression analyses suggest selection for increased fecundity in females. We argue that fecundity selection provides the only general explanation for the evolution of sexual size dimorphism in spiders.

Genetic optimism:Framing genes and mental illness in the news

Over the past two decades the pace and specificity of discoveries associating genetics with mental illness has accelerated, which is reflected in an increase in news coverage about the genetics of mental disorder. The news media is a major source of public understanding of genetics and a strong influence on public discourse. This paper examines the news coverage of genetics and mental illness (i.e., bipolar illness and schizophrenia) over a 25 year period, emphasizing the peak period of 1987-1994. Using a sample of 110 news stories from 5 major American newspapers and 3 news magazines, we identify the frame of "genetic optimism" which dominated the reporting of genetics and mental illness beginning in the mid-1980s. The structure of the frame is comprised of 3 elements: a gene for the disorder exists; it will be found; and it will be good. New discoveries of genes were announced with great fanfare, but the most promising claims could not be replicated or were retracted in short order. Despite these disconfirmations, genetic optimism persisted in subsequent news stories. While the scientific accuracy of the gene stories is high, the genetic optimism frame distorts some of the findings, misrepresents and reifies the impact of genes on mental disorder, and leaves no space for critics or an examination of potential negative impacts. The stances of reporters, scientists and editors may all in different ways contribute to the perpetuation of genetic optimism. Genetic optimism presents an overly sanguine picture of the state of genetics; as we enter the genetic age it is important to balance the extraneous "hype and hope" contained in news stories of genetics and mental illness.

Heavy metals as markers for assessing environmental pollution from chemical warehouse and plastics fires

Case histories of large, accidental fires are presented to illustrate that heavy metals may be used as markers to assess the extent of localized environmental contamination resulting from fires. Due to the complexity of fire chemistry with respect to organic pollutants, determination of organic pollutants in the environment following a fire would be time consuming and expensive. Using heavy metals as markers on the other hand is much cheaper and can be done very rapidly. © 1995.

ADPIC et brevets pharmaceutiques: le difficile accès des pays en développement aux médicaments?

L'Accord sur les Aspects des Droits de Propriété Intellectuelle qui touchent au commerce constitue l'un des principaux piliers des accords de l'Uruguay Round. C'est aussi l'un des plus controversés. Cet Accord renforce les droits de propriété intellectuelle, les associe au commerce et introduit une norme mondiale ayant force exécutoire. La mise en application de cet Accord, qui suppose notamment de reconnaître et de renforcer la protection des produits et procédés pharmaceutiques par des brevets, pose des problèmes particuliers aux pays en développement vu le manque de ressources professionnelles, financières et d'infrastructure. La manière dont se fait l'interprétation de cet Accord peut avoir d'importantes répercussions sur les politiques de santé publique et, en particulier, sur l'accès des populations aux médicaments. Soumis aux pressions des pays riches et des groupes pharmaceutiques, les gouvernements des pays en développement se retrouvent parfois pieds et poings liés et n'utilisent pas les flexibilités prévues à leur avantage dans l'Accord, ce qui rend la situation sanitaire de leur population encore plus précaire. Cette étude décrit les principaux acteurs et les étapes importantes de la négociation de l'Accord, ainsi que les différentes adaptations qui en ont été faites sous les pressions contradictoires des nombreux protagonistes. Elle donne des explications sur les mécanismes en place et les conséquences possibles de l'entrée en vigueur de l'Accord sur l'accessibilité des pays en développement aux médicaments.

Hegemony, Private Actors, and International Institutions: Transnational Corporations as the agents of transformation of the trade regime from GATT to the WTO

Diese Dissertation hat das Ziel, zum einen die Transformation des Handelssystems von der GATT zur Welthandelsorganisation (WTO) im Kontext einer veränderten Weltordnung und zum anderen die Rollen von transnationalen Unternehmen im Rahmen dieser Transformation zu untersuchen und zu verstehen. Die Arbeit wird theoretisch vom Neogramscianismus angeleitet, da die etablierten Ansätzen in den Internationalen Beziehungen und der International Politischen Ökonomie nur unzureichend die intersubjektive Natur von Regimen und nicht-staatlichen Akteuren darstellen. Für Anhänger des Neogramscianismus sind internationale Regime intersubjektive Einheiten, deren Zusammenspiel von Ideen und Machtkonfigurationen historische Strukturen prägen. Die Hegemonie ist ein Konzept, das soziale Einflüsse als Agenten historischen Wandels in international Regimen und der Weltordnung zusammenbindet. Mit dem Konzept der Hegemonie wird eine Machtsituation beschrieben, in der politische Macht in legitime Autorität übersetzt wird, indem die Zustimmung subalterner Akteure eingeholt wird. Hegemonie beinhaltet die konsensuellen Aspekte von Machtausübung in einer jeweiligen Weltordnung. Diese Dissertation argumentiert vor allem, dass die Transformation des Handelssystems als hegemonisch bezeichnet werden kann, da sie parallel mit der Transformation der Weltordnung von einer von den USA dominierten Nachkriegszeit zu einer neoliberalen Hegemonie stattfand. Mit der Transformation zur Welthandlungsorganisation wird der legale Rahmen des Handelssystems neu strukturiert und ihre normative Grundlagen neu definiert, wodurch der ethische Rahmen des Neoliberalismus reflektiert wird. Diese Änderungen werden in der neuartigen Anerkennung der legitimen Autorität des Marktes gegenüber Nationalstaaten und der Anerkennung von der Notwendigkeit von bindenden Disziplinen, die Regierungen übergeordnet sind, reflektiert. Diese Dissertation analysiert zwei Fälle, um die Rolle von transnationalen Unternehmen innerhalb diese Transformationsprozesses zu erklären. Dabei wird der Fokus vor allem auf die Aktivitäten und Fähigkeiten der Unternehmen gerichtet, die Ausrichtung des Handelsregimes zu bestimmen. Die erste Studie untersucht die Eingliederung von Dienstleistungen in das GATT Regime vor und während der Uruguay-Runde (1986 – 1994) und argumentiert, dass diese Eingliederung zu einer Neudefinierung von Liberalisierung und Normen der Nichtdiskriminierung führte. Die zweite Studie analysiert den gescheiterten Versuch, ausländische Direktinvestitionen noch bevor und während der 2001 begonnenen Doha Runde in die Welthandelsorganisation zu integrieren. Letztendlich wird in dieser Dissertation argumentiert, dass transnationale Unternehmen, die in den Vereinigten Staaten ansässig sind, hegemonische Agenten der Regimetransformation waren und eine wichtige Rolle dabei gespielt haben, Dienstleistungen in das GATT einzubinden. Und zwar gelang ihnen dies durch eine in den späten 1970er Jahren begonnenen Kampagne. Auf der einen Seite war die Kampagne darin erfolgreich, etablierte Denkstrukturen zu Handelsthemen systematisch im Sinne des Neoliberalismus zu verändern – und zwar sowohl hinsichtlich der normativen Inhalte als auch der intersubjektiven Bedeutungen des Regimes. Auf der anderen Seite deutet der Fall des Investitionsabkommens die Grenzen der hegemonischen Ideen, Institutionen, und Strömungen seit den frühen 90er Jahren an. Transnationale Unternehmen, die in Europa ansässig waren, sind mit ihren Bemühungen gescheitert, das Regime weiter zu transformieren und das Thema Investitionen in die legalen und normativen Rahmenbedingungen der WTO zu integrieren. Die Prioritäten und Strategien der transnationalen Unternehmen, die Agenda der WTO zu beeinflussen, waren beschränkt und wurden im Kontext einer angefochtenen neoliberalen Hegemonie geformt, die wiederum von dem Widerstand und anti-hegemonischen Kampagnen der Zivilgesellschaft beeinflusst wurden. Die Analyse in dieser Dissertation wurde durch eine qualitative Diskursanalyse von Sekundär- und Primärquellen durchgeführt: Regierungsvorschläge, Verhandlungstexte, Konferenzzusammenfassungen und Statements von Unternehmen.

Proceso de negociación del tratado sobre el comercio de armas: tensiones y dinámicas de poder

El interés del presente estudio de caso es analizar la articulación de las dinámicas de poder y estrategias de negociación detrás de un proceso tan complejo como el de la creación del Tratado sobre el Comercio de Armas.El estudio examina la evolución de las tensiones principales entre los Estados participantes frente al Tratado y resalta las lógicas de poder al interior de las negociaciónes, así como los factores externos que influyeron para solucionar o agravar dichas tensiones. Con el apoyo de diferentes conceptos teóricos de negociación, se observa en específico el rol de las coaliciones como una importante estrategia utilizada por Estados pequeños para contrarrestar de alguna forma la asimetría de poder en un escenario donde los grandes exportadores e importadores de armas en la negociación tienen mayor peso.

The politics of CAP reform: Trade negotiations, institutional settings and blame avoidance

In this article we argue that the conclusion of the GATT Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture and the subsequent role of the WTO has changed the international context of CAP policy-making. However, comparing the three latest CAP reforms, we demonstrate that pressures on the CAP arising from international trade negotiations cannot alone account for the way in which the EU responds in terms of CAP reform. The institutional setting within which the reform package was determined also played a crucial role. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the CoAM seems to be a more conducive setting than the European Council for undertaking substantial reform of the CAP. We suggest that the choice of institutional setting is influenced by the desire of farm ministers and of heads of state or government to avoid blame for unpopular decisions. When CAP reform is an integral part of a broader package, farm ministers pass the final decision to the European Council and when CAP reform is defined as a separate issue the European Council avoids involvement.

Ideational change in the WTO and its impacts on EU agricultural policy institutions and the CAP

This paper argues that the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture (URAA) introduced the market liberal paradigm as the ideational underpinning of the new farm trade regime. Though the immediate consequences in terms of limitations on agricultural support and protection were very modest, the Agreement did impact on the way in which domestic farm policy evolves. It forced EU agricultural policy makers to consider the agricultural negotiations when reforming the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). The new paradigm in global farm trade resulted in a process of institutional layering in which concerns raised in the World Trade Organization (WTO) were gradually incorporated in EU agricultural institutions. This has resulted in gradual reform of the CAP in which policy instruments have been changed in order to make the CAP more WTO compatible. The underlying paradigm, the state-assisted paradigm, has been sustained though it has been rephrased by introducing the concept of multifunctionality.

Do EU direct payments to beef producers belong in the 'blue box'?

In the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture, so-called 'blue box' support measures were exempted from reduction commitments, provided they were delivered under 'production-limiting' programs. Although classified as 'blue box', the EU system of direct payments (DP) to beef farmers imposes 'claim-limiting' restrictions rather than 'production-limiting' restrictions, allowing farmers to keep additional animals over and above the number upon which they are eligible to claim DP. The present paper provides empirical evidence that EU direct payments capitalise into the market prices of male calves and young steers in Ireland. It is also likely that DP capitalises into the prices of beef cows and heifers. Given this capitalisation process, some farmers can obtain 'capitalised' DP on animals produced over and above the 'claim-limiting' restrictions, by selling these animals through auction markets. Thus, 'capitalised' DP probably encourages production over and above the limiting measures.

Dirty tariffication revisited: The EU and sugar

It is widely believed that a number of countries, including the EU, engaged in dirty tariffication during the Uruguay Round of trade talks. This article examines the EU’s record on sugar and finds little evidence to substantiate the claim. However, world prices increased between the base period (1986-88) and the date of implementation (1995), and so tariffication resulted in an increase in the tax that would have been charged on sugar imports into the EU. As well, the Special Safeguard provisions meant that a substantial additional levy could be charged.

The EU's Export Refunds on Processed Foods: Legitimate in the WTO?

Export subsidies on processed foods are an important trade policy instrument for the European Union. GATT Article XVI legitimised the use of export subsidies on primary agricultural products, under certain circumstances, but forbade the use of export subsidies on non-primary products. However it was never satisfactorily resolved whether export subsidies could be paid on the primary agricultural products incorporated into processed products, such as pasta. The Uruguay Round Agreements, and particularly the Agreement on Agriculture (the URAA), apparently legitimised the EU’s practice of paying export subsidies on incorporated agricultural products, at least while the Peace Clause was in force. With the demise of the Peace Clause the question arises whether GATT Article XVI has any residual force, given that the range of primary agricultural products exempted by Article XVI from the ban on export subsidies is narrower than the list of agricultural products covered by the URAA.

The extrapolation problem and how population modeling can help

We argue that population modeling can add value to ecological risk assessment by reducing uncertainty when extrapolating from ecotoxicological observations to relevant ecological effects. We review other methods of extrapolation, ranging from application factors to species sensitivity distributions to suborganismal (biomarker and "-omics'') responses to quantitative structure activity relationships and model ecosystems, drawing attention to the limitations of each. We suggest a simple classification of population models and critically examine each model in an extrapolation context. We conclude that population models have the potential for adding value to ecological risk assessment by incorporating better understanding of the links between individual responses and population size and structure and by incorporating greater levels of ecological complexity. A number of issues, however, need to be addressed before such models are likely to become more widely used. In a science context, these involve challenges in parameterization, questions about appropriate levels of complexity, issues concerning how specific or general the models need to be, and the extent to which interactions through competition and trophic relationships can be easily incorporated.

European Union: Shadow WTO agricultural domestic support notifications

The notification of the level of domestic support to the World Trade Organization (WTO) is intended to reflect compliance with obligations entered into at the time of the Uruguay Round. WTO members have often been slow to provide notification of domestic support levels. This makes the process of notification less useful as an indicator of the degree to which changes in policy have or have not benefited the trade system as a whole and exporting countries in particular. The notification of domestic support in the E.U. illustrates the value of a measure that reflects current policies and can therefore act as a basis for negotiation of further disciplines where these are necessary. The E.U. has made major changes in its Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) over the period since 1992 when the MacSharry reforms were implemented. Payments originally notified in the blue box (related to supply control) have over time been changed until in their present form they are unrelated to current production or price levels, and hence can satisfy the criteria for the green box. The E.U. has therefore much more latitude in trade talks to agree to reductions in the allowable trade-distorting support. This paper reproduced the E.U. notifications relating to 2003/04 and extends these with official statistics to the year 2006/07. It then projects forward the components of domestic support until the year 2013/14, based on forecasts of future production and estimates of policy parameters. The impact of a successful Doha Round is simulated, showing that the constraints envisaged in the WTO draft modalities document of May 19, 2008, would be binding by the year 2013, at about the time the next budget cycle in the E.U. starts. Without the Doha Round constraints, further reform might still happen for domestic reasons, but the framework provided by the WTO for domestic policy spending would be less relevant. In that case, much could hinge on the legitimacy of the Single Farm Payment system under the current rules governing the green box.

Globalization and new policy concerns: the WTO and the EU's sustainability criteria for biofuels

The transfer of some decision-making authority from the domestic to the supranational arena as a result of the establishment of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995 potentially changed domestic policy dynamics. The WTO agreements reflect the trade policy concerns addressed in the Uruguay Round in the late 1980s and early 1990s. This article applies and adapts historical institutionalism to explain how international organizations may constrain and facilitate certain domestic policy options. It demonstrates that, while the WTO legal framework has become more receptive of environmental sustainability concerns, the social sustainability concerns that were increasingly entering the debate over biofuel policies were not easily accommodated, and this was seen as a constraint on the content of the European Union’s (EU) policy adopted in 2009. Only the environmental dimension of a broader concept of sustainability was included in the policy design.