1000 resultados para Tréville, Georges (1875-1944)


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Three original documents: citizenship certificate and oath for Israel Fabian (June 23, 1827); certificate of family name and Prussian citizenship for Israel Fabian (December 21, 1838); appointment of widow Fabian as quartermaster (September 14, 1875).

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Anti-Semitism existed in Finland during the whole period covered by this study. The immoral acts associated with Jews in the articles were mostly regarded as universal habits, qualities and/or modes of action, that is, unconnected with any particular Finnish Jew. Researchers have tried to explain anti-Semitism in several ways. The theory of Jews as outsiders has been a popular explanation as well as xenophobia, chimerical anti-Semitism and the socio-economic models. The main sources of this study have been over 400 Finnish periodicals and magazines, literature and text books published between 1918 and 1944. This vast number of magazines includes those of the army and the civil guard, religion, humour and the papers of the Finnish extreme right. One can see a distinct foreign and especially German influence in the subjects and phraseology of Finnish anti-Semitic writings between 1918 and 1944. Several known Finnish anti-Semitic writers had some kind of link with Germany. Some Finnish organisations and societies were openly anti-Semitic during this period. There had been cycles in the activity of anti-Semitic writing in Finland, obvious peaks appearing in 1918 1919, 1929 1931, 1933 1938 and 1942 1944. The reason for the 1918 1919 activity was the civil rights which were granted to the Jews in Finland, and the Russian Bolshevik revolution. The worldwide depression from 1929 to 1932 seem to be the reason for new anti-Semitic writing activity. The rise of National Socialism in Germany and the influence this phenomenon had in Finland was the reason for the peak during 1933 1938. During the continuation war 1942 1944 National Socialist Germany was fighting side-by-side with Finland and their anti-Semitic propaganda found easier access to Finland. Of the 433 magazines, journals and newspapers which were used in this study, 71 or 16.4 per cent had at least one article that can be identified as anti-Semitic; especially the magazines of national socialists and other extreme right parties were making anti-Semitic annotations. There were about 50 people known to have written anti-Semitic articles. At least half of these known writers had studied at the university, including as many as 10 priests. Over and above these, there was an even larger number of people who wrote under a pseudonym. The material used suggested that anti-Semitism was not very popular in Finland between 1918 and 1944. Anti-Semitic articles appeared mostly in the magazines of the extreme right, but their circulation was not very large. A proof of the slight influence of these extreme right anti-Semitic ideas is that, beside the tightening of policy towards Jewish immigrants in 1938 and the handing over of eight of these refugees to Germany in 1942, the official policy of Finland never became anti-Semitic. As was stated before, despite the cycles in the number of writings, there does not appear to have been any noticeable change in public opinion. One must also remember that most Finns had not at that period actually met a Jew. The material used suggests that between 1918 and 1944 the so-called Jewish question was seemingly unimportant for most Finns and their attitude to Jews and Jewishness can be described as neutral.

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Conflict, Unity, Oblivion: Commemoration of the Liberation War by the Civic Guard and the Veterans´ Union in 1918-1944 The Finnish Civil War ended in May 1918 as a victory for the white side. The war was named by the winners as the Liberation War and its legacy became a central theme for public commemorations during the interwar period. At the same time the experiences of the defeated were hindered from becoming a part of the official history of Finland. The commemoration of the war was related not only to the war experience but also to a national mission, which was seen fulfilled with the independence of Finland. Although the idea of the commemoration was to form a unifying non-political scene for the nation, the remembrance of the Liberation War rather continued than sought to reconcile to the conflict of 1918. The outbreak of the war between the Soviet Union and Finland in 1939 immediately affected the memory culture. The new myth of the Miracle of the Winter War, which referred to the unity shown by the people, required a marginalization of controversial memory of the Liberation War. This study examines from the concepts of public memory and narrative templates how the problematic experience of a civil war developed to a popular public commemoration. Instead of dealing with the manipulative and elite-centered grandiose commemoration projects, the study focuses on the more modest local level and emphasizes the significance of local memory agents and narrative templates of collective memory. The main subjects in the study are the Civil Guard and the Veterans´ Union. Essential for the widespread movement was the development of the Civic Guard from a wartime organization to a peacetime popular movement. The guards, who identified themselves trough the memories and the threats of civil war, formed a huge network of memory agents in every corner of the country. They effectively linked both local memory with official memory and the civic society with the state level. Only with the emergence of the right wing veteran movement in the 30ies did the tensions grow between the two levels of public memory. The study shows the diversity of the commemoration movement of the Liberation War. It was not only a result of a nation-state project and political propaganda, but also a way for local communities to identify and strengthen themselves in a time of political upheaval and uncertainty.

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The main purpose of this research is to shed light on the factors that gave rise to the office of Field Bishop in the years 1939-1944. How did military bishophood affect the status of the head of military pastoral care and military clergy during these years? The main sources of my research are the collections in the Finnish National Archives, and I use a historical-qualitative method. The position of the military clergy was debated within both the Church and the Defence Forces before 1939. At that stage, Church law did not yet recognize the office of the leading military priest, the Field Dean. There had been a motion in 1932 to introduce the office of a military bishop, but the bishops' synod blocked it. The concept of Field Bishop appeared for the first time in 1927 in a Finnish military document, which dealt with pastoral care in the Polish military. The Field Dean in Finland had regularly proposed improvements to the salary of the military clergy before the Winter War. After the Winter War, arguments were made for strengthening the position of the military clergy: these arguments were based on the increased respect shown towards this clergy, especially due to their role in the care of the fallen, which had become their task during the war. Younger members of the military clergy in particular supported the demands to improve their position within the Church and the army. The creation of a Field Bishop was perceived as strengthening the whole military clergy, as the Field Bishop was envisioned as a bishop within the Church and a general within the Defence Forces. During that time the Field Dean was still without any military rank. The idea of a Field Bishop was recommended to Mannerheim in June 1940, after which the Defence Forces lent their support to the cause. The status of the military clergy, in Church law, made it to the agenda of the Church council in January 1941, thanks largely to the younger priests' group influence and Mannerheim's leverage. The bishops opposed the notion of a Field Bishop mostly on theological grounds but were ready to concede that the position the Field Dean in Church law required further defining. The creation of the office of Field Bishop was blocked in the Church law committee report issued close to the beginning of the Continuation War. The onset of that war, however, changed the course of events, as the President of the Republic appointed Field Dean Johannes Björklund as Field Bishop. Speculation has abounded about Mannerheim's role in the appointment, but the truth of the matter is not clear. The title of Field Bishop was used to put pressure on the Church, and, at the same time, Mannerheim could remain detached from the matter. Later, in September 1941, the Church council approved the use of the Field Bishop title to denote the head of military pastoral care in Church law, and Field Bishops were assigned some of the duties formerly pertaining to bishops. Despite all expectations and hopes, the new office of Field Bishop did not affect the status of the military clergy within the Defence Forces, as no ranks were established for them, and their salary did not improve. However the office of the Field Bishop within Army HQ was transformed from a bureau into a department in the summer of 1942. At the beginning of the Continuation War, the Field Bishop was criticized by certain military and Church clergy for favouring Russian Orthodox Christians in Eastern Karelia. Björklund agreed in principle with most of the Lutheran clergy on the necessity of Lutheranizing East Karelia but had to take into account the realities at Army HQ. As well, at the same time the majority of the younger clergy were serving in the army, and there was a lack of parish priests on the home front. Bishop Lehtonen had actually expressed the wish that more priests could have been released from the front to serve in local parishes. In his notes Lehtonen accused Björklund of trying to achieve the position of Field Bishop by all possible means. However, research has revealed a varied group of people behind the creation of the office of Field Bishop, including in particular younger clergy and the Defence Forces.

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Tässä pro gradu –tutkielmassa tarkastellaan museoita osana yhteiskunnan historiakulttuuria; niitä tapoja joiden pohjalta käsityksiä menneestä tuotetaan ja käytetään. Aihetta lähestytään kysymällä millaisia kulttuurihistoriallisia museoita pääkaupunkiseudulle on perustettu ja millaiset teemat eivät ole olleet museon arvoisia. Tutkielmassa selvitetään onko pääkaupunkiseudulle perustetuissa kulttuurihistoriallisissa museoissa havaittavissa ajallista aaltoa sen suhteen millaisille aiheille on perustettu oma museo. Lopuksi pohditaan esimerkkitapausten valossa sitä, miten erilaisia teemoja edustavien museoiden perustamistarvetta on perusteltu omana aikanaan. Etsimällä vastauksia tutkimuskysymyksiin pyritään samalla hahmotetaan sitä, millaista yhteiskunnallista historiakulttuuria museot ovat olleet osa. Työn ensimmäisessä vaiheessa kartoitettiin millaisia kulttuurihistoriallisia museoita pääkaupunkiseudulla on ollut. Museoviraston ja Suomen museoliiton aineistojen avulla on listattu kooste vuosien 1875-2010 välillä pääkaupunkiseudulla olleista museoista. Museoiden perustamiseen ja museokentältä katoamiseen liittyvää koostetta on täydennetty Helsingin matkailuyhdistyksen julkaisujen tiedoilla sekä museoiden omilla tiedonannoilla. Tutkielman museot on luokiteltu edustamiensa teemojen mukaan. Tarkoituksena on ollut hahmotella miten pääkaupunkiseudun kulttuurihistoriallisten museoiden kenttä on muuttunut 135 vuoden aikana. Työn toisessa vaiheessa tarkasteltiin neljän esimerkkitapauksen kautta museokentän ajallista muutosta ja sitä millaisia perusteluita museoiden perustamiselle on annettu sekä millaista keskustelua museon perustamisesta on omana aikanaan käyty. Esimerkkitapausten tarkastelun lähteinä käytettiin arkistomateriaalia, aikakauden lehdissä museoista käytyä keskustelua ja museoista kirjoitettuja historiikkeja. Pääkaupunkiseudun kulttuurihistoriallisissa museoissa on tutkielman mukaan havaittavissa löyhä ajallinen muutos. Kulttuurihistoriallisten museoiden edustamat historian kertomukset ovat muuttuneet ja pirstaloituneet 135 vuoden aikana virallisesta, kansallisesta historian kertomuksesta kohti useita pienempiä historian kertomuksia ja erilaisten ryhmien omaa historiaa. 1800-1900-lukujen taitteessa perustettiin pääosin valtiollisia ja instituutioiden historiaan keskittyneitä museoita sekä suurmiehille omistettuja henkilöhistoriallisia museoita. Valtiolliset ja henkilöhistorialliset teemat näkyvät museoissa läpi koko tutkielman tarkasteluajanjakson. Kansallisen historian katse suuntasi paikalliseen 1900-luvun alussa ja 1980-luvulla, jolloin perustettiin erityisen paljon paikallishistoriallisia ja alueellisia museoita. 1970-1990-luvuilla museokenttää hallitsivat monet tekniikkaan, teollisuuteen ja yrityshistoriaan keskittyneet museot. Tultaessa 2000-luvulle museot edustivat lapsiin, nuoriin, koulutukseen ja monikulttuurisuuteen liittyviä teemoja. Tutkielman toisen vaiheen esimerkkitapausten tarkastelu osoitti, että erilaisia teemoja edustavien museoiden perustamistarvetta perustellaan hyvin samankaltaisesti. Niin 1800-luvun lopussa kuin 1900-luvun lopussa museoiden tarvetta perusteltiin kasvatus- ja sivistystyöllä ja aihealueen arvostuksen kasvulla. Museon perustamisen koettiin osoittavan Suomen kuuluvan osaksi länsimaisia sivistysyhteiskuntia. Museoiden perustamisen taustalla on usein ollut asiaa ajanut yhdistys. Kuitenkin museohanke on ollut vuosikausien projekti ja konkretisoitunut usein vasta kun museon tiloihin ja talouteen liittyvät kysymykset on saatu kuntoon. Tutkielman loppupäätelmien myötä hahmottui monia historiantutkimuksellisen lisätarkastelun arvoisia aiheita museoista osana yhteiskunnan historiakulttuuria. Avainsanat – Nyckelord – Keywords kulttuurihistorialliset museot, historiakulttuuri, historiankäyttö, yhteiskunta

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This paper presents additional distributional records of the Sindh awl-headed snake Lytorhynchus paradoxus from India, along with scale counts, measurements and natural history observations of this poorly known species.

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Reimpresso com as respectivas modificações,Secretaria da Câmara dos Deputados, em 20 de dezembro de 1874.

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Parte 1 - Poder Legislativo

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Parte 1 - Atos do Poder Executivo - Decretos

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In this report we describe the temporal and spatial distributions of inorganic nutrients over Georges Bank and in adjacent waters and discuss major features with respect to tbe nutrient environments of pbytoplankton. Nitrate and orthophosphorus were rapidly depleted from the surface layer of much of the study area in spring, but major differences were found between the shallow areas on Georges Bank and the surrounding stratified waters. In the "well-mixed" area of Georges Bank, the depletion encompassed the entire water column and ammonium became the dominant form of inorganic nitrogen throughout. Dissolved silicon was depleted slowly over central Georges Bank, reaching a minimum concentration in September while orthophosphorus gradually increased during the summer. The nutrient environment of phytoplankton over central Georges Bank may be described as vertically uniform but temporally changing in the relative availability of the various nutrients. In areas that undergo stratification (e.g., the central Gulf of Maine), a quasi-steady state was established as the surface water layer formed, consisting of declining nutrient gradients from below the euphotic layer to the top of the water column. These intergrading nutrient environments are relatively stable through time. Destratification reintroduced nutrients to depleted areas beginning in October; however, dissolved silicon was again depleted over shallow Georges Bank in late autumn though nitrate remained abundant. Slope water has been found to enter the bottom layer of the Gulf of Maine via the Northeast Channel. High nutrient concentrations observed in the bottom water of the Northeast Channel are consistent with this mechanism being the nutrient source for the Gulf of Maine. (PDF file contains 40 pages.)

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1 carta (manuscrita) ; 225X160mm. Ubicación: Caja 1 - Carpeta 6

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9 cartas (manuscritas) ; entre 225x140mm y 220x285mm