L'arbitrage impliquant les personnes publiques : tendances et perspectives

Cette étude aborde la problématique de la participation des personnes morales de droit public à l’arbitrage à l’occasion des litiges relatifs aux relations qu’elles entretiennent avec les personnes privées étrangères. Par opportunisme économique, un certain nombre de pays développés et en développement se montrent tout à fait favorables à ce que l’État se soumette au contentieux arbitral. Dans d’autres pays, tels qu’en Amérique latine et dans le monde arabe, il se manifeste des tendances nettement hostiles gravitant entre l’interdiction totale et une adhésion conditionnelle de l’État à l’arbitrage. Deux écoles s’affrontent, celle des privatistes qui considèrent l’arbitre international comme le juge naturel du milieu des affaires, face à celle des étatistes qui postulent que les juridictions étatiques demeurent les seules habiles à connaitre souverainement des litiges opposants les personnes publiques à leur interlocuteur privé. Les raisons qui sous-tendent l’assouplissement de certains gouvernements vers un élan libéral de l’arbitrage en droit public, résultent du phénomène globalisant de l’économie qui tend à réduire à néant les règles internes des États dans le cadre du nouvel ordre économique mondial. Par contre, les conséquences sociales, financières et juridiques des sentences arbitrales portent certains gouvernements à adopter une position réfractaire à l’arbitrage mettant en cause les entités publiques. Ils brandissent le droit à l’autodétermination des peuples pour éviter le bradage de leurs ressources au détriment des droits économiques, sociaux et culturels de leurs populations, et ce, en dépit du fait que l’investissement direct étranger joue un rôle considérable dans le développement des pays en émergence. Notre défi ultime dans ce travail est d’explorer les diverses avenues permettant d’atteindre un juste équilibre entre les intérêts publics et la protection des investissements privés. Ceci exige un changement de paradigme qui prendra en compte les dimensions plurielles que constitue le contentieux investisseurs-États.

Genética, riesgo y derecho penal: una aproximación interdisciplinaria

Este texto presenta un estudio científico y jurídico sobre la genética y el derecho penal, con el objeto de realizar un pequeño aporte para la superación de la polarización política y moral de los debates sobre la genética y el derecho, que sólo ha conducido a una desafortunada paralización de la regulación sobre el tema que aumenta los riesgos para la salud humana y el equilibrio de los ecosistemas. Ante una problemática tan compleja, el derecho moderno no plantea una solución unitaria, sino una metodología a través de la cual cada sociedad democráticamente pueda adoptar sus propias decisiones frente a la salvaguarda de su patrimonio genético.

The unpatriotism of the economic constitution? Rights to free movement and their impact on national and European identity

Abstract: Instead of the political reading of the EU Constitution adopted by advocates of constitutional patriotism, this article examines the European economic constitution. The four single market freedoms can be used by the Court of Justice to strike down Member State laws which represent deeply held aspects of national cultural identity. The article examines whether the court does in fact act in this way and proceeds to argue that the issue of identity protection does not stop with the court. In those policy areas where the court is more interventionist, and its case-law is perceived as an identity threat, one is likely to find binding Treaty-based derogations. Where, in contrast, the effect of the court's case-law poses less of a threat, one is more likely to see non-binding declarations. The article examines a number of policy areas in which specific cultural derogations and declarations are to be found, including abortion, property acquisition, football and alcohol control.

Organizações sociais em Pernambuco: o desenho institucional do controle externo sobre os contratos de gestão

O objetivo desta pesquisa foi analisar o desenho institucional do controle externo sobre os contratos de gestão no âmbito do Tribunal de Contas do estado de Pernambuco quanto a sua aderência aos conteúdos da lei estadual que disciplina as Organizações Sociais e quanto a sua observância por parte dos atores envolvidos: Administração Pública, técnicos do tribunal de contas e membros do seu corpo julgador. Foram assumidas as seguintes premissas: que os novos arranjos de prestação de serviços públicos, por meio de parcerias com as Organizações Sociais, demandam por parte dos Tribunais de Contas desenhos institucionais de fiscalização específicos, que a pesar de variáveis devem primar por sua capacidade de revelar informações; que o processo de formatação destes desenhos institucionais deve ser dinâmico, permitindo-se que as contigências experimentadas na sua implementação possam contribuir no seu aperfeiçoamento; e que esses desenhos institucionais geram impacto no comportamento dos atores envolvidos. O estudo foi realizado por meio de pesquisa documental. A metodologia qualitativa de análise de conteúdo foi escolhida para análise dos dados. Os resultados da pesquisa permitiram concluir que o desenho institucional de controle dos contratos de gestão no âmbito do TCE-PE caracteriza-se por sua fragilidade como mecanismo de revelação de informação e, consequentemente, não contribui para a redução da assimetria de informação que se estabelece com a implementação dos contratos de gestão. Adicionalmente, compromete e limita o desempenho do Tribunal de Contas no controle destes ajustes. Verificou-se, também, uma a baixa observância do desenho institucional identificado, em que pese sua fragilidade, por parte dos atores envolvidos no controle dos contratos de gestão, implicando em uma baixa institucionalização deste desenho. Os resultados devem proporcionar uma rediscussão acerca dos mecanismos de controle dos contratos de gestão por parte do TCE-PE, que poderá resultar em um novo desenho institucional com vistas a conferir maior transparência às parcerias com as Organizações Sociais.

Luiz Antônio dos Santos Lima e o seu legado educacional (Natal/RN, 1910-1961)

This research aims to analyze the intellectual practice of Luiz Antônio Ferreira Souto dos Santos Lima. This is done considering the author´s legacy related to the History of Education in Rio Grande do Norte/Brazil in the time span of 1910 to 1961. Thus, the research is grounded on assumptions that rely on the Cultural History field. The research also dealt with dialogues between the author and Chartier (1990), Elias (1994), Morais (2003; 2006), as well as Gondra (2003). For the bibliographical research the work dealt with a vast array of documents such as newspapers called A República and Diário do Natal, Pedagogium, Revista do ensino, as well as state laws and decrees These documents were obtained at the Historical and Geographical Institute in Rio Grande do Norte. The research also dealt with School Bylaws and a medical doctoral thesis called Mental Hygiene and Education that was written by Luiz Antônio dos Santos Lima. Other documents were obtained at the State´s Public Archive, such as the Book of Honor, Work Records, Reports and Minutes of the General Directorate of Public Instruction Meetings. It was possible to infer that professor Luiz Antônio dos Santos Lima was teacher at Grupo Escolar Augusto Severo, the Atheneu as well as some local grade schools. The professor had a broad role in society, in administrative positions such as the Presidency of the Association of Teachers of Rio Grande do Norte, as Grade School Director in the School of Pharmacy and the State Education Department. He was also a member of the Academy of Arts and a partner at Historical and Geographical Institute in Rio Grande do Norte. The professor has also concerned with issues related to teaching good habits such as feeding, grooming, discipline, game morals, temperance, smoking, sex education; all of which necessary for the formation of healthy children. He was an enthusiast of an intuitive method and teaching lessons through practice, that he considered key elements in education. It is seen that professor Luiz Antônio dos Santos Lima had presence in the State´s health education and that his ideals were line with the ideal of modernity of the early twentieth century

Políticas públicas e voz do professor: caracterização das leis brasileiras

OBJETIVO: Caracterizar as leis sobre saúde vocal publicadas em todo território nacional até o ano de 2006. MÉTODOS: Foram feitas buscas da documentação em sites oficiais, assim como um questionário elaborado pelas autoras foi divulgado no meio fonoaudiológico, por correio eletrônico, para captar o maior número de leis possível. Obtiveram-se 22 documentos que foram analisados quanto ao raio de abrangência, ações propostas, natureza dessas ações, público-alvo, secretarias envolvidas, iniciativa e promulgação das leis. Tais dados foram analisados de maneira absoluta (numérica) e relativa (percentualmente). RESULTADOS: Os documentos são, em sua maioria, leis de abrangência estadual, mais numerosas na região sudeste, propostas pelo poder legislativo, cuja viabilização compete a uma parceria entre secretarias de saúde e educação estaduais. As ações propostas, de modo geral, preconizam a implementação de assistência preventiva por meio de cursos teórico-práticos (90,91%), com periodicidade anual, ministrados por fonoaudiólogos, com a ressalva de que será oferecido, ao professor com distúrbio vocal, acesso ao tratamento fonoaudiológico e/ou médico (77,27%). em apenas três documentos (13,64%) avança-se para além de cursos, com propostas de ações de promoção à reabilitação, inclusive com menção ao ambiente de trabalho. Dois deles (9,09%) consideram os direitos do professor trabalhador. CONCLUSÃO: Levando-se em conta o grande número de casas legislativas no Brasil, poucas são as leis propostas a favor da saúde do professor, especialmente em relação à voz. Além disso, para que sejam aplicadas e transformadas em programas de saúde vocal, tais iniciativas devem partir de competência constitucional própria, a fim de garantir os recursos financeiros necessários para a sua viabilização.

Política de valorização dos profissionais da educação básica na rede estadual de ensino do Pará

Esta investigação trata sobre a Política de Valorização do Magistério Público da Educação Básica, tendo como objeto de análise a Lei nº 7.442 de 02 de julho de 2010 que dispõe sobre o Plano de Cargos, Carreira e Remuneração (PCCR) dos profissionais da educação básica da rede estadual do Pará. De modo mais específico se buscou: identificar o contexto, as origens e os fundamentos nos quais foram desenvolvidas as políticas nacionais brasileiras para a valorização dos profissionais da educação básica a partir dos anos 1990; identificar e analisar a Política de Educação Básica no Estado do Pará no período de 2007 a 2010 e suas deliberações para o Plano de Cargos, Carreira e Remuneração como um dos instrumentos para a valorização dos profissionais da educação básica; analisar a Lei nº 7.442/2010 a luz do referencial teórico para a valorização do magistério da educação básica no que concerne à carreira, à remuneração e à jornada de trabalho. Para a realização desta pesquisa partimos de uma investigação bibliográfica referente à valorização do magistério público, carreira, condições de trabalho e formação inicial e continuada. O procedimento teórico-metodológico consistiu em uma pesquisa de caráter documental baseando-se em legislações federais e estaduais, envolvendo documentos jurídicos e técnicos que foram determinantes para esta investigação, como os documentos de conferências, congressos, cadernos da educação, entre eles, da CONAE, CNTE, ANPEd, ANFOPE e SINTEPP. As conclusões a que se chegou permitem inferir que embora durante o período de 2007-2010 tenha sido elaborado um documento orientador para a Política de Educação Básica no Estado do Pará, a partir do Plano Estadual de Educação, tendo presente a questão da valorização dos profissionais da educação da rede estadual e dentro deste a intencionalidade de implantar um Plano de Cargos, Carreira e Remuneração, esse caminho foi repleto de grandes embates políticos e ideológicos entre duas propostas, governo e sindicato, e, por maior que tenha sido a luta em aprovar um PCCR unificado e para garantir diretos já conquistados, este, na sua implementação, revelou-se como um instrumento de pouca viabilidade para garantir a valorização do magistério público paraense.

“Vidas singulares. Estranhos poemas”: um estudo sobre a infâmia em Eneida e em Lygia Fagundes Telles

Este trabalho pretende investigar a forma em que a literatura apropria-se da figura social do indivíduo infame a partir das crônicas e do conto presentes nos livros A Estrutura da Bolha de Sabão, de Lygia Fagundes Telles e Aruanda, de Eneida de Moraes, respectivamente. Ao pensar no que qualificaria a infâmia, será utilizado como conceito norteador o de Michel Foucault, presente no ensaio A vida dos homens Infames. O que se pretenderá mostrar, portanto, será o registro literário do estigma de um sujeito alhures, uma figura repelida e excluída do convívio social por fugir ao controle das convenções e até mesmo das leis institucionalizadas pelo Estado. Perde, por isso, tanto o direito à liberdade física quanto o de narrar sua própria vida – esta passou a ser contada por registros clínicos, boletins policiais, ou mesmo sentenças jurídicas. Espera-se, através desta pesquisa, mostrar a forma na qual as narrativas literárias utilizam de personagens sociais de seu tempo também para questionar a moral e a conduta imposta por dispositivos de poder e discursos autoritários vislumbrando, assim, o texto literário como instrumento de resistência social.

Valorização do trabalho docente ou uma miríade de novas responsabilidades e exigências ao professor nos decretos do governo paulista?

Pós-graduação em Educação - IBRC

As instituições administrativas e o planejamento territorial paulista: 1938-1967

O objetivo é analisar o papel das instituições administrativas no planejamento urbano e regional do Estado de São Paulo. Nosso objeto de estudo são as leis e decretos estaduais e federais e as ações do Estado que definiram os padrões de organização territorial das cidades. Entendemos que a partir deles as ações administrativas atribuíram às cidades um modelo de planejamento setorizado e polarizado. Entre as décadas de 1930 e 1960, esse modelo formou a base para a aplicação de uma divisão funcional urbana fundada nas características produtivas e responsável pela provisão de recursos. A partir da década de 1960, a organização territorial paulista foi padronizada pelo conceito de polo urbano e o planejamento urbano e regional ficou submetido às condicionantes econômicas.

Essays on the political economy of European integration

Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.

Restructuring Justice: Moving Towards Gender-Responsive Programming and Alternatives to Incarceration for Non-Violent Female Offenders

The United States¿ Federal and State laws differentiate between acceptable (or, legal) and unacceptable (illegal) behavior by prescribing restrictive punishment to citizens and/or groups that violate these established rules. These regulations are written to treat every person equally and to fairly serve justice; furthermore, the sanctions placed on offenders seek to reform illegal behavior through limitations on freedoms and rehabilitative programs. Despite the effort to treat all offenders fairly regardless of social identity categories (e.g., sex, race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, age, ability, and gender and sexual orientation) and to humanely eliminate illegal behavior, the American penal system perpetuates de facto discrimination against a multitude of peoples. Furthermore, soaring recidivism rates caused by unsuccessful re-entry of incarcerated offenders puts economic stress on Federal and State budgets. For these reasons, offenders, policy-makers, and law-abiding citizens should all have a vested interest in reforming the prison system. This thesis focuses on the failure of the United States corrections system to adequately address the gender-specific needs of non-violent female offenders. Several factors contribute to the gender-specific discrimination that women experience in the criminal justice system: 1) Trends in female criminality that skew women¿s crime towards drug-related crimes, prostitution, and property offenses; 2) Mandatory minimum sentences for drug crimes that are disproportionate to the crime committed; 3) So-called ¿gender-neutral¿ educational, vocational, substance abuse, and mental health programming that intends to equally rehabilitate men and women, but in fact favors men; and 4) The isolating nature of prison structures that inhibits smooth re-entry into society. I argue that a shift in the placement and treatment of non-violent female offenders is necessary for effective rehabilitation and for reducing recidivism rates. The first component of this shift is the design and implementation of gender- responsive treatment (GRT) rather than gender-neutral approaches in rehabilitative programming. The second shift is the utilization of alternatives to incarceration, which provide both more humane treatment of offenders and smoother reintegration to society. Drawing on recent scholarship, information from prison advocacy organizations, and research with men in an alternative program, I provide a critical analysis of current policies and alternative programs, and suggest several proposals for future gender- responsive programs in prisons and in place of incarceration. I argue that the expansion of gender-responsive programming and alternatives to incarceration respond to the marginalization of female offenders, address concerns about the financial sustainability of the United States criminal justice system, and tackle high recidivism rates.

Houston Rescue and Restore Coalition human trafficking needs assessment

Background. Human trafficking, or "modern day slavery", is a complex public health issue that we must understand more fully before it can be effectively tackled. There have been very few empirical studies on human trafficking and estimates of global and national human trafficking victims vary widely. Free the Slaves, a non-profit organization, estimates that there are at least 27 million people in the world at any given time that can be classified as victims of human trafficking. Houston, Texas has been identified as a place where human trafficking may be more likely to exist due to its close proximity to Mexico and due to economic and population factors. Houston Rescue and Restore Coalition (HRRC) is a local organization that exists to raise awareness of human trafficking in Houston, Texas. To better serve victims of human trafficking, HRRC commissioned a community assessment of the services available to victims of human trafficking in the greater Houston metropolitan area.^ Purpose. The current study assessed the capacity of organizations and agencies within the greater Houston metropolitan area to deal with human trafficking issues; in particular, knowledge regarding human trafficking issues among these organizations and agencies was evaluated.^ Methods. A cross-sectional study design was used to conduct surveys with key informants/stakeholders from organizations and agencies within the greater Houston metropolitan area. The survey instrument included 41 items in three parts, and consisted of multiple choice questions, open-ended essay questions, and closed-ended 5 point Likert questions.^ Results. The findings from this study indicate that efforts must be made to increase comprehensive awareness of the issue of human trafficking, including the federal and state laws that have been enacted to combat this problem. The data also indicate that there are limited services provided to human trafficking victims within the greater Houston metropolitan area.^ Conclusion. The results of the survey will provide Houston Rescue and Restore Coalition with information that will assist them in targeting their efforts to combat human trafficking in Houston, Texas.^

Policy analysis of Texas Senate Bill 532 and the regulation of nurse practitioners in the convenience care model

Background. Retail clinics, also called convenience care clinics, have become a rapidly growing trend since their initial development in 2000. These clinics are coupled within a larger retail operation and are generally located in "big-box" discount stores such as Wal-mart or Target, grocery stores such as Publix or H-E-B, or in retail pharmacies such as CVS or Walgreen's (Deloitte Center for Health Solutions, 2008). Care is typically provided by nurse practitioners. Research indicates that this new health care delivery system reduces cost, raises quality, and provides a means of access to the uninsured population (e.g., Deloitte Center for Health Solutions, 2008; Convenient Care Association, 2008a, 2008b, 2008c; Hansen-Turton, Miller, Nash, Ryan, Counts, 2007; Salinsky, 2009; Scott, 2006; Ahmed & Fincham, 2010). Some healthcare analysts even suggest that retail clinics offer a feasible solution to the shortage of primary care physicians facing the nation (AHRQ Health Care Innovations Exchange, 2010). ^ The development and performance of retail clinics is heavily dependent upon individual state policies regulating NPs. Texas currently has one of the most highly regulated practice environments for NPs (Stout & Elton, 2007; Hammonds, 2008). In September 2009, Texas passed Senate Bill 532 addressing the scope of practice of nurse practitioners in the convenience care model. In comparison to other states, this law still heavily regulates nurse practitioners. However, little research has been conducted to evaluate the impact of state laws regulating nurse practitioners on the development and performance of retail clinics. ^ Objectives. (1). To describe the potential impact that SB 532 has on retail clinic performance. (2). To discuss the effectiveness, efficiency, and equity of the convenience care model. (3). To describe possible alternatives to Texas' nurse practitioner scope of practice guidelines as delineated in Texas Senate Bill 532. (4). To describe the type of nurse practitioner state regulation (i.e. independent, light, moderate, or heavy) that best promotes the convenience care model. ^ Methods. State regulations governing nurse practitioners can be characterized as independent, light, moderate, and heavy. Four state NP regulatory types and retail clinic performance were compared and contrasted to that of Texas regulations using Dunn and Aday's theoretical models for conducting policy analysis and evaluating healthcare systems. Criteria for measurement included effectiveness, efficiency, and equity. Comparison states were Arizona (Independent), Minnesota (Light), Massachusetts (Moderate), and Florida (Heavy). ^ Results. A comparative states analysis of Texas SB 532 and alternative NP scope of practice guidelines among the four states: Arizona, Florida, Massachusetts, and Minnesota, indicated that SB 532 has minimal potential to affect the shortage of primary care providers in the state. Although SB 532 may increase the number of NPs a physician may supervise, NPs are still heavily restricted in their scope of practice and limited in their ability to act as primary care providers. Arizona's example of independent NP practice provided the best alternative to affect the shortage of PCPs in Texas as evidenced by a lower uninsured rate and less ED visits per 1,000 population. A survey of comparison states suggests that retail clinics thrive in states that more heavily restrict NP scope of practice as opposed to those that are more permissive, with the exception of Arizona. An analysis of effectiveness, efficiency, and equity of the convenience care model indicates that retail clinics perform well in the areas of effectiveness and efficiency; but, fall short in the area of equity. ^ Conclusion. Texas Senate 532 represents an incremental step towards addressing the problem of a shortage of PCPs in the state. A comparative policy analysis of the other four states with varying degrees of NP scope of practice indicate that a more aggressive policy allowing for independent NP practice will be needed to achieve positive changes in health outcomes. Retail clinics pose a temporary solution to the shortage of PCPs and will need to expand their locations to poorer regions and incorporate some chronic care to obtain measurable health outcomes. ^

3.4 United States Supreme Court 1938

Gaines’ legal team, led by Houston, had faith in the justice system of the United States and anticipated getting a fair trial at the federal level. So far, all decisions had occurred in Missouri, a state with a segregated system.The fact that Gaines v Canada had reached the Supreme Court was promising indeed. It was rare that any case involving African-Americans would be considered by the highest court in the land. President Franklin D. Roosevelt had been appointing Justices that were more willing to consider cases concerned with civil rights. On November 9, 1938, the Supreme Court of the United States heard arguments in the Gaines v Canada case. The defense was unmoved by the rude treatment and made their presentation with professionalism and aplomb. Houston’s argument remained steadfast; not only was the state of Missouri’s statute concerning out-of-state tuition for blacks in violation of the 14th Amendment, but the very idea of segregation itself violated the Constitution. William Hogsett, the attorney for the University of Missouri, countered that the school was merely following state laws. The MU legal team was flustered as questions from the bench forced them to correct overstatements regarding Missouri’s “generosity to Negro students”. With crossed fingers and high hopes, the Gaines legal team rested their case and awaited the verdict. Meanwhile, Lloyd Gaines was still in Michigan. Lloyd held a W.P.A. job as a Civil Service Clerk and was in constant contact with his family and attorneys. His mood in his correspondence was hopeful and positive.