El desempeño de Unamsil en el programa DDR durante el proceso de paz en Sierra Leona. Estudio de caso: los niños soldados. 1998-2005

El interés de este Estudio de Caso es investigar la manera en que la Misión de Paz de la ONU en Sierra Leona (UNAMSIL) redireccionó el programa Desarme, Desmovilización y Reintegración (DDR) hacia los niños soldados durante el post-conflicto en el país. Se analiza cómo a través de la coordinación de diferentes Agencias y Organizaciones Internacionales con UNAMSIL, el Gobierno y la Sociedad Civil hace posible que se refuerce el rol de los Interim Care Centers (ICCs) en donde se enfrentaron las necesidades esenciales de los menores excombatientes para lograr un mejor proceso de su desmovilización y reintegración. Se explica de igual forma, las diferentes herramientas que sirven para llevar a cabo la resolución del conflicto y la reconstrucción de la paz, enfocándose en el peacekeeping, peacemaking y peacebuilding, como mecanismos que ayudaron a crear un espacio seguro para los niños exsoldados. Por último, se exponen los alcances y límites de los ICCs con respecto a la reintegración de los menores excombatientes

História e guerrilha: entre a tradição rural e a prática urbana. O Brasil das décadas de 60 e 70 do século XX

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

O Antimil: o Setor Militar origens de uma organização

The objective of this essay is to examine the trajectory of a clandestine organization that, despite being rather active and frequently cited by the academic literature, has not been very visible in Brazilian history: the Military Sector of the PCB, or Antimil. The particularity of this project is to learn about Antimil’s organizational structure in the process of intervening in the Armed Forces between 1929 and 1945. It does not pretend to evaluate its revolutionary efficacy or all the situations in which it was involved, due to the lack of documentation and specific studies. The revelation of its historical configuration, as an organization in the party structure, is the result of exhaustive research and the narratives of some of its members.

The Baltic states’ Territorial Defence Forces in the face of hybrid threats. OSW Commentary Number 165, 19.03.2015

From the Introduction. Russia’s annexation of Crimea and its aggression in eastern Ukraine have triggered a debate about the main directions of defence policy in the Nordic and Baltic region. In the Baltic states, but also in the Nordic countries and Poland, much attention is being paid to questions of Territorial Defence Forces (TDF). TDF are viewed as one of the elements in the national defence systems’ response during the early stages of a hybrid conflict. The Baltic states have decided to adapt their Territorial Defence Forces to new threats by making a number of changes to their functioning, depending on the local conditions in each case. Given the growing uncertainty in the region, they have opted not to undertake any in-depth reforms of TDF at this stage, as that could entail a temporary disorganisation in the armed forces. In the coming years Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania will invest in increasing the size and combat readiness of their Territorial Defence Forces, providing them with better training and equipment, and creating a system of incentives to encourage more people to serve in volunteer formations.

Department of Defense authorization for appropriations for fiscal year 2013 and the Future Years Defense Program : hearings before the Committee on Armed Services, United States Senate, One Hundred Twelfth Congress, second session, on S. 3254, to authorize appropriations for fiscal year 2013 for military activities of the Department of Defense, for military construction, and for defense activities of the Department of Energy, to prescribe military personnel strengths for such fiscal year, and for other purposes.

Shipping list no.: 2013-0201-P (pt.1), 2013-0185-P (pt. 2), 2013-0213-P (pt. 3), 2013-0212-P (pt. 4), 2013-0140-P (pt. 5), 2013-0148-P (pt. 6), 2013-0209-P (pt. 7).

Department of Defense authorization for appropriations for fiscal year 1998 and the future years defense program : hearings before the Committee on Armed Services, United States Senate, One Hundred Fifth Congress, first session, on S. 939

Shipping list no.: 98-0089-P (pt. 4), 98-0052-P (pt. 5), 98-0029-P (pt. 6).

Signal tactics : assimilated to the tactics of artillery, cavalry and infantry, prepared for the use of officers and enlisted men of the military and naval forces of the United States and adapted for the use of the national guards and military academies /

Mode of access: Internet.

Capabilities of Police and Military Forces in Central America -- A Comparative Analysis of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras an d Nicaragua

A difficult transition to a new paradigm of Democratic Security and the subsequent process of military restructuring during the nineties led El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala and Nicaragua to re-consider their old structures and functions of their armed forces and police agencies. This study compares the institutions in the four countries mentioned above to assess their current condition and response capacity in view of the contemporary security challenges in Central America. This report reveals that the original intention of limiting armies to defend and protect borders has been threatened by the increasing participation of armies in public security. While the strength of armies has been consolidated in terms of numbers, air and naval forces have failed to become strengthened or sufficiently developed to effectively combat organized crime and drug trafficking and are barely able to conduct air and sea operations. Honduras has been the only country that has maintained a proportional distribution of its armed forces. However, security has been in the hands of a Judicial Police, supervised by the Public Ministry. The Honduran Judicial Police has been limited to exercising preventive police duties, prohibited from carrying out criminal investigations. Nicaragua, meanwhile, possesses a successful police force, socially recognized for maintaining satisfactory levels of security surpassing the Guatemalan and El Salvadoran police, which have not achieved similar results despite of having set up a civilian police force separate from the military. El Salvador meanwhile, has excelled in promoting a Police Academy and career professional education, even while not having military attachés in other countries. Regarding budgetary issues, the four countries allocate almost twice the amount of funding on their security budgets in comparison to what is allocated to their defense budgets. However, spending in both areas is low when taking into account each country's GDP as well as their high crime rates. Regional security challenges must be accompanied by a professionalization of the regional armies focused on protecting and defending borders. Therefore, strong institutional frameworks to support the fight against crime and drug trafficking are required. It will require the strengthening of customs, greater control of illicit arms trafficking, investment in education initiatives, creating employment opportunities and facilitating significant improvements in the judicial system, as well as its accessibility to the average citizen.

Post-revolutionary post-modernism: Central American detective fiction by the turn of the 21st century

Contemporary Central American fiction has become a vital project of revision of the tragic events and the social conditions in the recent history of the countries from which they emerge. The literary projects of Sergio Ramirez (Nicaragua), Dante Liano (Guatemala), Horacio Castellanos Moya (El Salvador), and Ramon Fonseca Mora (Panama), are representative of the latest trends in Central American narrative. These trends conform to a new literary paradigm that consists of an amalgam of styles and discourses, which combine the testimonial, the historical, and the political with the mystery and suspense of noir thrillers. Contemporary Central American noir narrative depicts the persistent war against social injustice, violence, criminal activities, as well as the new technological advances and economic challenges of the post-war neo-liberal order that still prevails throughout the region. ^ Drawing on postmodernism theory proposed by Ihab Hassan, Linda Hutcheon and Brian MacHale, I argued that the new Central American literary paradigm exemplified by Sergio Ramirez's El cielo llora por mí, Dante Liano's El hombre de Montserrat, Horacio Castellanos Moya's El arma en el hombre and La diabla en el espejo , and Ramon Fonseca Mora's El desenterrador, are highly structured novels that display the characteristic marks of postmodern cultural expression through their ambivalence, which results from the coexistence of multiple styles and conflicting ideologies and narrative trends. The novels analyzed in this dissertation make use of a noir sensitivity in which corruption, decay and disillusionment are at their core to portray the events that shaped the modern history of the countries from which they emerge. The revolutionary armed struggle, the state of terror imposed by military regimes and the fight against drug trafficking and organized crime, are among the major themes of these contemporary works of fiction, which I have categorized as perfect examples of the post-revolutionary post-modernism Central American detective fiction at the turn of the 21st century.^

Post-Revolutionary Post-Modernism: Central American Detective Fiction by the Turn of the 21st Century

Contemporary Central American fiction has become a vital project of revision of the tragic events and the social conditions in the recent history of the countries from which they emerge. The literary projects of Sergio Ramirez (Nicaragua), Dante Liano (Guatemala), Horacio Castellanos Moya (El Salvador), and Ramon Fonseca Mora (Panama), are representative of the latest trends in Central American narrative. These trends conform to a new literary paradigm that consists of an amalgam of styles and discourses, which combine the testimonial, the historical, and the political with the mystery and suspense of noir thrillers. Contemporary Central American noir narrative depicts the persistent war against social injustice, violence, criminal activities, as well as the new technological advances and economic challenges of the post-war neo-liberal order that still prevails throughout the region. Drawing on postmodernism theory proposed by Ihab Hassan, Linda Hutcheon and Brian MacHale, I argued that the new Central American literary paradigm exemplified by Sergio Ramirez’s El cielo llora por mí, Dante Liano’s El hombre de Montserrat, Horacio Castellanos Moya’s El arma en el hombre and La diabla en el espejo, and Ramon Fonseca Mora’s El desenterrador, are highly structured novels that display the characteristic marks of postmodern cultural expression through their ambivalence, which results from the coexistence of multiple styles and conflicting ideologies and narrative trends. The novels analyzed in this dissertation make use of a noir sensitivity in which corruption, decay and disillusionment are at their core to portray the events that shaped the modern history of the countries from which they emerge. The revolutionary armed struggle, the state of terror imposed by military regimes and the fight against drug trafficking and organized crime, are among the major themes of these contemporary works of fiction, which I have categorized as perfect examples of the post-revolutionary post-modernism Central American detective fiction at the turn of the 21st century.

An outline of military technological dynamics as restraints for acquisition, international cooperation and domestic technological development

The expectation that technological returns from defense expenditure through acquisition, international cooperation and domestic research would further national development underappreciates the different technological dynamic of the armed services. This paper outlines the technological dynamic the stems from fighting in the air, at sea and on land, exemplifying consequences for the case of acquisition.

Cuidado com bicos-de-pé em face da Constituição

Nas palavras de Canotilho/Moreira, o regime político português é um Estado-de-partidos, os quais foram elevados à Constituição formal. São expressão da vontade popular (10º/2). São um direito fundamental constitucional. Participar ou fundar um partido é um direito, liberdade e garantia (art. 51º). Participam nos órgãos com base no sufrágio universal e directo. Mas são mediadores pois o poder político é do Povo (art. 108º)! São os partidos que formam a vontade de órgãos como o Governo! Os partidos têm direito a apresentar candidatos aos órgãos; e têm o direito de obter mandatos de acordo com os resultados eleitorais e o método proporcional (art. 113º/5 e 152º/1)… E às Forças Armadas incumbe a defesa militar da República: art. 275º/1 CRP… § In the words of Canotilho / Moreira, the Portuguese political system is a state-parties, which were elevated to the formal Constitution. They are an expression of popular will (10/2). Is a constitutional fundamental right. Participate or found a party is a right, freedom and guarantee (art. 51). Participate in organs based on direct and universal suffrage. But are mediators because political power is the people (art. 108)! Are the parties that form the will of organs such as the Government! The parties are entitled to nominate candidates to the organs; and have the right to obtain mandates in accordance with the election results and the proportional method (Article 113/5 and 152/1.) ... and the Armed Forces have the responsibility for the military defense of the Republic: art. 275/1 CRP ...

Pressupostos e significado do golpe de estado de 1998-1999 na Guiné-Bissau

RESUMO: O golpe de Estado de 1998-1999 na Guiné-Bissau é - entre outras razões - o resultado da difícil articulação e coabitação entre as principais racionalidades que afectam o xadrez sociopolítico guineense. De facto as racionalidades de tipo «weberianas», representadas maioritariamente pela população crioula, devido ao impacto da cultura colonial – o mimetismo cultural e político-económico nessa população -, não se adaptaram às racionalidades de tipo «tradicional» e estas por sua vez, não compreendem as primeiras. As práticas dos actores políticos das racionalidades de tipo «weberianas», dentro do aparelho de Estado confundiam-se com o próprio processo de construção e o funcionamento do Estado pós-colonial na Guiné De facto o Estado em referência tornou-se durante o segundo regime do PAIGC num simples instrumento político e económico a favor dos dirigentes daquele partido e da classe-Estado em geral em detrimento da população guineense sobretudo a da sociedade tradicional. E é também dentro desta lógica da difícil articulação e a coabitação de racionalidades entre actores guineenses que a suspensão do ex-Brigadeiro Ansumane Mané, das suas funções de chefe de Estado-maior das forças armadas guineenses deve ser analisada, explicada e entendida com a consequente ruptura político-militar. Certamente que a Guiné, como laboratório social, não se esgota neste trabalho, que apenas pretende abrir caminho para novas investigações. ABSTRACT: This study is focused on the analysis of the 1998-1999 «coup d’état» in Guiné as a denouncer of the difficulties in the construction of Guiné as a State and a Nation. The above mentioned coup d’état is, among other reasons, the result of the difficult articulation and cohabition among the main rationalities affecting the Guiné sociopolitical chess. The as-webeian rationalities, mainly represented by the creole population, on reproducing the colonial cultural, political and economic model, did not fit in the astraditional rationalities, which by their turn do not understand the former ones. The as-weberian practices of the main political agents within the state burocracy overlapped with the process of construction and the functioning of the post colonial state apparatus. During the second PAIGC regime the state becomes a mere political and economic instrument to favour the party leaders and the new emerging class of public workers, in detriment of the population, mainly the ones belonging to the traditional societies. It is against this sociopolitical background that the suspension of the ex-Brigadier Ansumane Mané from his functions as Chief Commander of the Armed Forces of Guiné, and the following military and political rupture, has to be analysed, explained and understood. Certainly, the study of Guiné as a social laboratory is not finished with the present research, which intended only to open the path to further researching.

Personalidade e stresse em militares da Força Aérea Portuguesa: diferenças entre género

RESUMO: A organização militar é uma das mais importantes para qualquer , é uma instituição com regras e valores muito bem definidos, em que factores como a personalidade e o stress terão de ser muito bem avaliados para que se possa integrar uma carreira militar. A amostra estudada foi constituída por 200 militares da Força Aérea Portuguesa, com idade compreendidas entre os 19 e os 52 anos sendo a média de idades 26,3 anos (DP= 5,9). Em estudos anteriores verifiou-se que as diferenças entre géneros são uma condicionante no dia-a-dia de um militar (Lorenzi-Cioldi, 1994). Contudo, Eagly (1987), afirma que a diferença entre géneros tem uma pequena percentagem (5%) contra os 95 % de variabilidade explicada por outros factores na vida militar. Com esta investigação pretendeu-se verificar se existem diferenças entre géneros em relação aos factores básicos da personalidade, stress, afectividade e desejabilidade social, para além de outros aspectos relacionados com estes factores. Utilizaram-se as seguintes medidas de avaliação: o Big Five Factory, BFI (Benet-Martínez & John, 1998), a Paulhus Deception Scale, PDS (Paulhus, 1998), a Positive and Negative Affect Shedule, PANAS (Watson, Clark e Tellenger, 1998) e o Daily Stress Inventory, DSI (Brantley e Glenn, 1989). Conclui-se que ao nível da personalidade, nos factores de extroversão e conscienciosidade as mulheres apresentam valores mais elevados que os homens, em relação ao stress, nos factores competências pessoais, factores ambientais e stressores variados as mulheres obtêm valores mais baixos que os homens. ABSTRACT: The military institution is one of the most important in any country, it has very strict rules and values and therefore factors such as personality and stress must be thoroughly evaluated in order to integrate a military career. The sample under study is constituted by 200 militaries of the Portuguese Air Force, with ages between 19 and 52 years old, being the average 26,3 (DP=5,9). From previous studies it is know that differences in gender constitute a special condition in military personnel day to day life (Lorenzi-Cioldi, 1994). On the other hand, Eagly (1987) states that gender differences represents a small percentage (5%) against 95 % of variance explained by other military life factors. The main focus of this investigation was to determine if there were differences in gender in personality, stress, affect, social desirability and also to study other aspects related to these factors. The measures used were: the Big Five Factory, BFI (Benet-Martínez & John, 1998), the Paulhus Deception Scale, PDS (Paulhus, 1998), the Positive and Negative Affect Schedule, PANAS (Watson, Clark e Tellenger, 1998), the Daily Stress Inventory, DSI (Brantley e Glenn, 1998). It was concluded that on the personality level, women present higher scores on factors such as extroversion and consciousness. On the stress level, when considering factors such as personal competences, environmental factors and varied stressors, women present lower scores than men.

A moda e o traje militar

RESUMO - A introdução do Uniforme nas forças armadas em Portugal deu-se no século XVII e este é claramente influenciado e por vezes mesmo condicionado pelo vestuário civil e pelas modas em voga.