Editorial

This issue is devoted to two special Focus sections: one on the radicalism and relevance still of Eleanor Dark's novels written in the early to mid- twentieth century, one on the perspectives and practices of 1990s and current third wave feminism.

A Model of ethnic conflict

We present a model of conflict, in which discriminatory government policy or social intolerance is responsive to various forms of ethnic activism, including violence. It is this perceived responsiveness -captured by the probability that the government gives in and accepts a proponed change in ethnic policy- that induces individuals to mobilize in support for their cause. Yet, mobilization is costly and demonstrators have to be compensated accordingly. Individuals have to weigh their ethnic radicalism with their material well-being to determine the size of their money contribution to the cause. Our main results are: (i) a one-sided increase in radicalism or in population size increases conflict; (ii) a one-sided increase in income has ambiguous effects depending on the elasticity of contributions to income; (iii) an increase in within-group inequality increases conflict; and (iv) an increase in the correlation between ethnic radicalism and inequality also increases conflict.

Address by Michea¡l Martin to the Conference - Legislating for Tobacco Free Society

Thank you Chairman I would like to extend a warm welcome to our keynote speakers, David Byrne of the European Commission, Derek Yach from the World Health Organisation, and Paul Quinn representing Congressman Marty Meehan who sends his apologies. When we include the speakers who will address later sessions, this is, undoubtedly, one of the strongest teams that have been assembled on tobacco control in Europe. The very strength of the team underlines what I see as a shift – a very necessary shift – in the way we perceive the tobacco issue. For the last twenty years, we have lived out a paradox. It isn´t a social side issue. I make no apology for the bluntness of what I´m saying, and will come back, a little later, to the radicalism I believe we need to bring – nationally – to this issue. For starters, though, I want to lay it on the line that what we´re talking about is an epidemic as deadly as any suffered by human kind throughout the centuries. Slower than some of those epidemics in its lethal action, perhaps. But an epidemic, nonetheless. According to the World Health Organisation tobacco accounted for just over 3 million annual deaths in 1990, rising to 4.023 million annual deaths in 1998. The numbers of deaths due to tobacco will rise to 8.4 million in 2020 and reach roughly 10 million annually by 2030. This is quite simply ghastly. Tobacco kills. It kills in many different ways. It kills increasing numbers of women. It does its damage directly and indirectly. For children, much of the damage comes from smoking by adults where children live, study, play and work. The very least we should be able to offer every child is breathable air. Air that doesn´t do them damage. We´re now seeing a global public health response to the tobacco epidemic. The Tobacco Free Initiative launched by the World Health Organisation was matched by significant tobacco control initiatives throughout the world. During this conference we will hear about the experiences our speakers had in driving these initiatives. This Tobacco Free Initiative poses unique challenges to our legal frameworks at both national and international levels; in particular it raises challenges about the legal context in which tobacco products are traded and asks questions about the impact of commercial speech especially on children, and the extent of the limitations that should be imposed on it. Politicians, supported by economists and lawyers as well as the medical profession, must continue to explore and develop this context to find innovative ways to wrap public health considerations around the trade in tobacco products – very tightly. We also have the right to demand a totally new paradigm from the tobacco industry. Bluntly, the tobacco industry plays the PR game at its cynical worst. The industry sells its products without regard to the harm these products cause. At the same time, to gain social acceptance, it gives donations, endowments and patronage to high profile events and people. Not good enough. This model of behaviour is no longer acceptable in a modern society. We need one where the industry integrates social responsibility and accountability into its day-to-day activities. We have waited for this change in behaviour from the tobacco industry for many decades. Unfortunately the documents disclosed during litigation in the USA and from other sources make very depressing reading; it is clear from them that any trust society placed in the tobacco industry in the past to address the health problems associated with its products was misplaced. This industry appears to lack the necessary leadership to guide it towards just and responsible action. Instead, it chooses evasion, deception and at times illegal activity to protect its profits at any price and to avoid its responsibilities to society and its customers. It has engaged in elaborate ´spin´ to generate political tolerance, scientific uncertainty and public acceptance of its products. Legislators must act now. I see no reason why the global community should continue to wait. Effective legal controls must be laid on this errant industry. We should also keep these controls under review at regular intervals and if they are failing to achieve the desired outcomes we should be prepared to amend them. In Ireland, as Minister for Health and Children, I launched a comprehensive tobacco control policy entitled “Towards a Tobacco Free Society“. OTT?Excessive?Unrealistic? On the contrary – I believe it to be imperative and inevitable. I honestly hold that, given the range of fatal diseases caused by tobacco use we have little alternative but to pursue the clear objective of creating a tobacco free society. Aiming at a tobacco free society means ensuring public and political opinion are properly informed. It requires help to be given to smokers to break the addiction. It demands that people are protected against environmental tobacco smoke and children are protected from any inducement to experiment with this product. Over the past year we have implemented a number of measures which will support these objectives; we have established an independent Office of Tobacco Control, we have introduced free nicotine replacement therapy for low-income earners, we have extended our existing prohibitions on tobacco advertising to the print media with some minor derogations for international publications. We have raised the legal age at which a person can be sold tobacco products to eighteen years. We have invested substantially more funds in health promotion activities and we have mounted sustained information campaigns. We have engaged in sponsorship arrangements, which are new and innovative for public bodies. I have provided health boards with additional resources to let them mount a sustained inspection and enforcement service. Health boards will engage new Directors of Tobacco Control responsible for coordinating each health board´s response and for liasing with the Tobacco Control Agency I set up earlier this year. Most recently, I have published a comprehensive Bill – The Public Health (Tobacco) Bill, 2001. This Bill will, among other things, end all forms of product display and in-store advertising and will require all retailers to register with the new Tobacco Control Agency. Ten packs of cigarettes will be banned and transparent and independent testing procedures of tobacco products will be introduced. Enforcement officers will be given all the necessary powers to ensure there is full compliance with the law. On smoking in public places we will extend the existing areas covered and it is proposed that I, as Minister for Health and Children, will have the powers to introduce further prohibitions in public places such as pubs and the work place. I will also provide for the establishment of a Tobacco Free Council to advise and assist on an ongoing basis. I believe the measures already introduced and those additional ones proposed in the Bill have widespread community support. In fact, you´re going to hear a detailed presentation from the MRBI which will amply illustrate the extent of this support. The great thing is that the support comes from smokers and non-smokers alike. Bottom line, Ladies and Gentlemen, is that we are at a watershed. As a society (if you´ll allow me to play with a popular phrase) we´ve realised it´s time to ´wake up and smell the cigarettes.´ Smell them. See them for what they are. And get real about destroying their hold on our people. The MRBI survey makes it clear that the single strongest weapon we have when it comes to preventing the habit among young people is price. Simple as that. Price. Up to now, the fear of inflation has been a real impediment to increasing taxes on tobacco. It sounds a serious, logical argument. Until you take it out and look at it a little more closely. Weigh it, as it were, in two hands. I believe – and I believe this with a great passion – that we must take cigarettes out of the equation we use when awarding wage increases. I am calling on IBEC and ICTU, on employers and trade unions alike, to move away from any kind of tolerance of a trade that is killing our citizens. At one point in industrial history, cigarettes were a staple of the workingman´s life. So it was legitimate to include them in the ´basket´ of goods that goes to make up the Consumer Price Index. It isn´t legitimate to include them any more. Today, I´m saying that society collectively must take the step to remove cigarettes from the basket of normality, from the list of elements which constitute necessary consumer spending. I´m saying: “We can no longer delude ourselves. We must exclude cigarettes from the considerations we address in central wage bargaining. We must price cigarettes out of the reach of the children those cigarettes will kill.” Right now, in the monthly Central Statistics Office reports on consumer spending, the figures include cigarettes. But – right down at the bottom of the page – there´s another figure. Calculated without including cigarettes. I believe that if we continue to use the first figure as our constant measure, it will be an indictment of us as legislators, as advocates for working people, as public health professionals. If, on the other hand, we move to the use of the second figure, we will be sending out a message of startling clarity to the nation. We will be saying “We don´t count an addictive, killer drug as part of normal consumer spending.” Taking cigarettes out of the basket used to determine the Consumer Price Index will take away the inflation argument. It will not be easy, in its implications for the social partners. But it is morally inescapable. We must do it. Because it will help us stop the killer that is tobacco. If we can do it, we will give so much extra strength to health educators and the new Tobacco Control Association. This new organisation of young people who already have branches in over fifteen counties, is represented here today. The young adults who make up its membership are well placed to advise children of the dangers of tobacco addiction in a way that older generations cannot. It would strengthen their hand if cigarettes move – in price terms – out of the easy reach of our children Finally, I would like to commend so many public health advocates who have shown professional and indeed personal courage in their commitment to this critical public health issue down through the years. We need you to continue to challenge and confront this grave public health problem and to repudiate the questionable science of the tobacco industry. The Research Institute for a Tobacco Free Society represents a new and dynamic form of partnership between government and civil society. It will provide an effective platform to engage and mobilise the many different professional and academic skills necessary to guide and challenge us. I wish the conference every success.

Poliittisesta aluetutkimuksesta konfliktinsäätelyteoriaan : radikalismi suomalaisen valtio-opin tutkimuskohteena 1950-luvulta 1970-luvulle

Abstract: From a political science of regions to conflict regulation theory. The study of radicalism in Finnish political science from the 1950s to the 1970s

Molukkiradikalismi ja terrori-iskut Alankomaissa

English summary: Moluccan radicalism and terrorist action in the Netherlands

Aligning Technology Innovation Processes for Possible Collaboration

Diplomityön tavoitteena on innovaatioprosessien selventäminen ja yhteensovittaminen radikaalien teknologia innovaatioiden osalta. Prosessien yhteensovittamisen edellytyksenä on teknologia innovaation radikaalisuuden ymmärtäminen. Kohteena on alkuvaiheen innovaatioprosessi jonka aikana virallinen yhteistyö ei vielä ole mandollista. Kehitetyn mallinavulla voidaan arvioida yrityksen kokemaa radikaalisuutta innovaatioprosessin alkuvaiheessa. On tärkeää ymmärtää miten vuorovaikutuksessa olevat yritykset kokevat innovaation radikaalisuuden prosessin alkuvaiheessa. Prosessien eroavaisuudet voidaan sanoa riippuvan yritysten näkökulmasta, koska niiden toiminnot määrittyvät koetun radikaalisuuden mukaan.Yhtäläisenä koettu radikaalisuus luo pohjan avoimelle vuorovaikutukselle ja antaa viitteitä syvemmästä yhteistyöstä tulevaisuudessa. Vertikaalisti sijoittuneiden yritysten prosessien esitetty yhteensovitus perustuu molemminpuoliseen radikaalisuuteen ja sisäisen hyväksynnän vastaavuuteen. Tällöin osapuolet ovat mukana samalla sitoumuksella prosessin jatkumisen ollessa epävarma.

La repercusión del régimen constitucional en la Iglesia de Lleida durante el trienio liberal

A principios del año 1820 la revolución de Rafael de Riego instauró el régimen liberal en España. La Iglesia de Lleida se adaptó correctamente al nuevo modelo político. Pero la obra legislativa de las Cortes liberales perjudicó gravemente a todas las estructuras políticas, económicas y sociales de la institución eclesiástica. Con la radicalización del gobierno liberal se produjo la ruptura de las relaciones de los con el Ayuntamiento de Lleida, quiénes al poco tiempo sufrieron la persecución y la represión de las autoridades liberales. Por tanto, el balance del período liberal fue muy negativo y su impacto enorme.

En generation intellektuella i uppror

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

Tekstikeskeinen ranskalainen poststrukturalismi

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

Helluntailaiset luokkakuvassa. uskontokulttuuri ja yksikön luokka-asema Turun Helluntaiseurakunnassa

Tässä tutkimuksessa analysoin sitä, miten helluntailainen uskontokulttuuri vaikuttaa yksilön valintoihin ja sen kautta siihen, mihin luokka-asemiin seurakuntalaiset ovat päätyneet Turun Helluntaiseurakunnassa. Tutkimus on uskontoantropologinen ja kuuluu uskontotieteen alaan. Siinä yhdistetään sosiologista luokkatutkimusta sekä rationaalisen valinnan ja toiminnan teorioita uskontoantropologisessa viitekehyksessä. Pääasialliseksi aineistoksi keräsin laajan etnografisen aineiston, joka koostuu systemaattisesta havainnoinnista, kyselyistä ja haastatteluista. Lisäksi olen tutkinut seurakunnan ja helluntailaisuutta koskevia arkistoja sekä kirjallisuutta. Tutkimuksen kohde on Turun helluntaiseurakunta, joka muodostaa tutkimusongelman kannalta mielekkään tutkimusasetelman. Tutkimus kertoo olennaista tietoa siitä, miten uskonto vaikuttaa yksilön valintoihin ja hänen yhteiskunnalliseen asemaansa. Tutkimusaineiston pohjalta laadin selittävän mallin kuvaamaan sitä prosessia, miten yksilöt tekevät valintojaan rationaalisina toimijoina eri kulttuurien vaikutuspiireissä. Antropologisena pohjana selitykselle toimii uskonnon rajojen rakentumisen, muuttamisen ja ylittämisen logiikka. Pyhän kategorisoinnin jäsentämä uskontokulttuuri ohjaa yksilöä suosimaan toisia kulttuureja, luokkakulttuureja ja tyylejä sekä vierastamaan toisia. Jos yksilö haluaa tehdä valinnan, joka nähdään arveluttavana, täytyy hänen oikeuttaa se kulttuurinsa sisäisillä symboleilla ja rituaaleilla. Turun Helluntaiseurakunnassa korostuvat auttamisen ja sivistämisen ammatit, kuten lääkäri, sairaanhoitaja ja opettaja. Nämä voidaan edelleen jäljittää seurakunnan opetuksiin sekä seurakuntalaisten käyttämiin diskursseihin ja oletuksiin hyväksytyistä elämäntyyleistä. Lisäksi diskursseissa korostuvat näkemykset ammatista kutsumuksena, koulutuksen itsestäänselvyys sekä asemaan liittyvän radikalismin välttäminen. Seurakunnan uskontokulttuurin keskiluokkaistava vaikutus näkyy ennen kaikkea toisen ja useamman polven helluntailaisissa, jotka sijoittuvat korkeampiin asemiin kuin ulkopuolelta kääntyneet. Seurakunnan uskontokulttuuri vähentää luokkatietoisuuden syntyä ja voi osaltaan ylläpitää yhteiskunnan luokkarakennetta, koska uskonnon ensisijaiset päämäärät eivät kohdistu yhteiskunnan rakenteen muuttamiseen Suomessa. Tutkimuksen mukaan yksilön omat ja häneen kohdistetut oletukset ja arvot, jotka hän kulttuurissa omaksuu, ohjaavat häntä myös kulttuurinsa näkökulmasta suosiollisiin asemiin.

Les bifurcations dans les parcours scolaires des étudiants universitaires québécois

L’objectif de ce mémoire est de proposer une analyse descriptive et explicative des bifurcations scolaires. Si plusieurs chercheurs ont noté la fréquence élevée des réorientations au cours des études postsecondaires au Québec, aucun d’entre eux ne s’est intéressé aux réorientations scolaires radicales et imprévisibles, qui peuvent être désignées par le terme de bifurcation. En s’appuyant principalement sur l’analyse d’une série d’entretiens auprès d’individus ayant vécu une réorientation scolaire au cours de leurs études supérieures, cette recherche explore les faces objectives et subjectives de ces réorientations, les différentes étapes traversées au cours du processus de réorientation, les différentes ressources mobilisées par les étudiants afin de faciliter sa réalisation, ainsi que les différentes raisons pour lesquelles les étudiants bifurquent. L’analyse descriptive montre le rôle décisif de la souplesse de fonctionnement et des ressources des institutions d’enseignement postsecondaire, tandis qu’elle tend à minorer le rôle joué par l’entourage des étudiants, et particulièrement de leurs parents. L’analyse explicative fait apparaitre deux modèles distincts de bifurcation: le modèle de la rectification, dans lequel les étudiants se réorientent vers un programme qui correspond davantage à leurs valeurs; et celui de la rétroaction, dans lequel ils se réorientent vers un domaine pour lequel ils avaient déjà de l’intérêt. In fine, ce mémoire conduit à marquer une distinction entre bifurcation et réorientation stratégique, et à nuancer l’utilisation des critères de radicalité et d’imprévisibilité pour définir les bifurcations scolaires dans la mesure où des conciliations ou des retours sur des centres d’intérêt antérieurs sont souvent possibles.

Entre théâtre et poésie : devenir intermédial du poème et dispositif théâtral au tournant des XXe et XXIe siècles

Thèse réalisée en cotutelle avec l'Institut d'Études théâtrales de l'Université Sorbonne nouvelle - Paris 3

La formación del pensamiento político del partido conservador colombiano en el siglo XIX. Estudio de caso : los escritos políticos de Mariano Ospina Rodríguez y José Eusebio Caro

Esta investigación describe la formación del pensamiento político del Partido Conservador Colombiano en el siglo XIX, en los escritos de Mariano Ospina Rodríguez y José Eusebio Caro, donde reaccionan con contundencia frente a los excesos del radicalismo liberal del gobierno de José Hilario López. Para entender la reacción conservadora, se utiliza como herramienta teórica el trabajo de Robert Nisbet, “Conservadurismo”.

The Proliferation of Paramilitary Groups in Southern Mexico: State Strategy or Struggle between Local Political Elites?

This study traces the origins of Mexican paramilitary groups and argues that, contrary to what most of the literature on the subject implies, they do not represent a state strategy to thwart leftist groups seeking social change. Rather, they represent battles between groups of national and local-level elites with different visions of democracy and of what constitutes good governance. The polarization inherent in this type of conflict leads local actors to have to side with one faction of elites or the other. The presence of radical leftist groups in recently colonized indigenous areas with scant state presence gives rise to a process of radicalization among local elites. There are multiple factors that explain the emergence of paramilitary groups. Aside from the post Cold War international context, there were national factors like a shift in its focus away from security matters between 1989 and 1993, and presidential policies between 1968 and 1993, that planted the seeds of leftist radicalism in a context of id modernization