999 resultados para Quinta República (1964-1985)
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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O presente artigo visa a qualificação do regime político vigente no Brasil entre 1964-1985. Para tanto, desenvolvo o resgate do conceito de ditadura, especialmente a partir da obra de Carl Schimitt, e busco aferir a sua adequação à análise do período militar.
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O livro tenta compreender, por meio de uma abordagem histórica e política, as contradições e os dilemas que enfrentam os trabalhadores da área de saúde pública. Eles se formam geralmente em meio a modelos biomédicos e individualistas, mas nesse segmento da medicina predomina um candente discurso em defesa do trabalho em equipe e multidisciplinar. Conforme diz o autor, mesmo esse discurso está impregnado de abordagens com viés simplesmente organizativo ou tecnicista. Além disso, confunde o processo de trabalho médico com o processo de trabalho em saúde. Em tal contexto, saem do foco as necessidades sociais em saúde da população e dos próprios trabalhadores e, ainda, a necessidade de se criar espaços coletivos, onde as práticas das equipes possam ser compartilhadas, debatidas e transformadas. O pesquisador discorre também sobre algumas políticas de saúde no Brasil ao longo da história, enfatizando especialmente o período pós-regime militar (1964-1985), em que os movimentos sociais, em particular o da Reforma Sanitária Brasileira, tiveram papel central nas mudanças empreendidas na área. Ele cita, por exemplo, a implantação do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS) e a Estratégia de Saúde da Família, modelo adotado posteriormente e hoje priorizado nas políticas
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Professor na rede municipal de São Paulo, apaixonado por cinema e com experiência como historiador da fotografia e do fotojornalismo, Enio de Freitas perguntava-se como imagens em movimento, mais exatamente o cinema, poderiam contribuir para enriquecer suas aulas de História. Para responder à questão, ele percebeu que seria necessário sistematizá-la teoricamente - e desta constatação surgiu esta obra. Freitas constrói a teoria por meio da análise de textos históricos e atuais que remetem à aplicação do cinema, e também da arte, na educação brasileira. A análise tem início nos anos 1930, durante a Era Vargas e a Escola Nova, e mostra as forças que procuravam controlar a educação no país, entendida então como uma questão político-social, e as implicações de um projeto de cinema educativo como veículo de aprendizagem e propagador de uma cultura nacional. O estudo segue avaliando o período da ditadura militar (1964-1985), especialmente a ligação entre a Organização Católica Internacional do Cinema (Ocic) e o movimento cineclubista católico brasileiro, que procurou atrair o público para as discussões morais que interessavam à Igreja, por meio da estratégia de educação de jovens. Ao analisar outro período, o do governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso, o autor percebe o cinema como ferramenta de ensino, de acordo com as possibilidades abertas pelos Parâmetros Curriculares Nacionais (PCN) publicados em 1998. E procura entender, também, qual o significado da utilização dessa arte em sala de aula. Posteriormente são estudadas publicações da prefeitura de São Paulo, voltadas para professores, que tratam dos objetivos e conteúdos previstos para cada área de conhecimento da escola municipal, além da relação desses documentos com propostas pedagógicas de aplicação da arte como meio de ensino
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Pós-graduação em Educação - FFC
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
Les enquêtes militaires et l-organisation des intellectuels de gauche au Brésil dans les années 1960
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This article has as its object of analysis the Inquiries Police-Military, adocumentation produced during the military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985)and today it’s important sources for historians, sociologists, political scientists to understand the internal dynamics of repression, as well as specifying certainnetworks communist militancy and the engagement of progressive sectorsagainst the military government. Documents, court proceedings that currently in Brazil endorse the work of the Truth Commission, which seeks to ascertain the fate of disappeared politicians and determine the actions of the organs of repression during the military dictatorship in Brazil.
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This article examines aspects of policies for higher education during the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship (1964-1985) and some of its legacies that persist in the decades of 1990 and 2000. The text was divided into two parts: the first one analyses the "university reform" of 1968 and its historical context; the second discusses how some features configure certain trend in policies for higher education, with traces maintained until today. Finally, this amazing continuity is evaluated through four axes of analysis – 1) Fragmentation of education and different access to the levels and stages of teaching; 2) Deformation of the inseparability of teaching, research and extension; 3) Privatization as official policy for higher education; 4) Authoritarianism and systematic repression in institutions of higher education – and it is supported the need to resist and be opposed to the dominant project of policy for higher education in Brazil.
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Não disponível
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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS
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The hypothesis guiding this work is that the student movement of 1968, inserted into a scene of great social movements contrary to the present political system, showed great expression in its demonstrations even considering the fact that in a dictatorship there was significant intolerance of divergent views to the military regime, which, of the student movement of 2008, inserted into a scene of mobilizations contrary to the educational system and the corruption that permeated it. The aim of this study is to investigate the myths that permeate the image of students, through a comparison between the Brazilian student movement, highlighting the students at the University of Brasilia from 1968 to 2008, with the specific objective of analyzing if the student movement lost strength of mobilizing in support of their fight flags. The question may be answered from the youth of the 1960s characterized by revolutionary, in which the possible advances and retreats performed in 40 years of history of the student movement, which seems to have lost its revolutionary feature
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS
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The article searches to launch some analyses and investigations on the historical reach of produced participative processes in Spain and Brazil. Evidently, both the processes if had uncurled in historical, social, economic contexts and distinct politicians, but, exactly thus, keep some approaches that we intend to give prominence in the present article. For example, the popular mobilization in the two presented cases after occurred a long period of not attendance of social demands socials. In the same way, the processes of democratic renewal of both are related with historical landmarks “end of the Cold War” and the dismantlement of the Walfare State that introduced new rationalists in the relation between governing and governed dynamic, over all in the coinage and offer of public politics. How much to the dismantlement of the Welfare State, we present, still, that in the case of Spain it provoked consequences in the modus operandi of the formularization process and implementation of public politics. It occurred, in other words, a decentralization of its formulator power to decide arrangement of public politics that started to count on the participation of social actors in the called relational city (BECERRA, 2011). In the case of Brazil, the dictatorial period (1964-1985), the fast urban growth and the generation of precarious peripheries in the main cities, the distension and the Constituent (1986-1988) had generated the enough forces of pressure so that, gradually, if it incorporated the participative arrangement in the power to decide process. We identify that in both the cases, kept the had ratios, the instauration of a critical scene of suppression/absence of formulated public politics from an interface with the social movements were the propeller spring of the transformations in the power to decide mechanisms of formularization and implementation of public politics.
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The article searches to launch some analyses and investigations on the historical reach of produced participative processes in Spain and Brazil. Evidently, both the processes if had uncurled in historical, social, economic contexts and distinct politicians, but, exactly thus, keep some approaches that we intend to give prominence in the present article. For example, the popular mobilization in the two presented cases after occurred a long period of not attendance of social demands socials. In the same way, the processes of democratic renewal of both are related with historical landmarks “end of the cold war” and the dismantlement of the State of well-being that introduced new rationalists in the relation between governing and governed dynamic, over all in the coinage and offer of public politics. How much to the dismantlement of the State of social welfare, we present, still, that in the case of Spain occurred a decentralization of its formulator power to decide arrangement of public politics that started to count on the participation of social actors in the called relational city (BECERRA, 2011). In the case of Brazil, the dictatorial period (1964-1985), the fast urban growth and the generation of precarious peripheries in the main cities, the distension and the Constituent (1986-1988) had generated the enough forces of pressure so that, gradually, if it incorporated the participative arrangement in the power to decide process. We identify that in both the cases, kept the had ratios, the instauration of a critical scene of suppression/absence of formulated public politics from an interface with the social movements were the propeller spring of the transformations in the power to decide mechanisms of formularization and implementation of public politics.