A importância da partilha do poder na implementação de regras e na regulação do grupo

Relatório da Prática Profissional Supervisionada Mestrado em Educação Pré-escolar

Paix soutenable : rapports de force et affaiblissement des extrémistes en Angola, en Colombie, au Salvador et au Mozambique de 1989 à 1999

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Prédation économique et poursuite des dynamiques micro-conflictuelles au Nord et au Sud Kivu : individus, groupes criminels et entreprises multinationales. L’ouverture du secteur extractif congolais au marché international, un facteur d’échec au processus de paix ?

Cette étude analyse l’impact du processus libéral de paix en République Démocratique du Congo sur la poursuite des violences dans les provinces du Nord et du Sud Kivu. Elle soutient que les dynamiques conflictuelles dans ces deux régions sont entretenues par l’établissement d’un programme de partage de pouvoir (power sharing), inclusif, jumelé à l’application des réformes économiques libérales. En se concentrant sur la réforme du secteur de sécurité et l’harmonisation de la politique nationale (en vue des élections post-conflictuelles de 2006), le processus de paix néglige les enjeux politiques et socio-économiques locaux. Le désengagement de l’État et la libéralisation du secteur minier accentuent le taux de corruption du gouvernement de transition et renforcent l’exploitation illégale des ressources par les groupes armés. Cette recherche soutient que l’implantation massive d’entreprises minières multinationales dans les provinces du Nord et du Sud Kivu aggrave la déformation des tissus socio-économiques locaux, accentue la dépendance des populations aux réseaux de gouvernance informelle et renforce les divers groupes armés présents sur le terrain. Par conséquent, les réformes structurelles menées dans le cadre du processus libéral de paix font perdurer les violences et occasionnent de nouvelles dynamiques conflictuelles localisées autour du contrôle des ressources locales, qu’elles soient d’ordre économique ou politique.

Liderazgo y poder: una aproximación desde la ecología

El trabajo de grado se desarrollará a partir del análisis del liderazgo y el poder como característica de éste, desde una visión ecológica, lo cual constituye un aspecto de gran importancia en los estudios de administración. Primero, se abordará el significado de liderazgo y la importancia que este representa dentro de las organizaciones, a través de la generación de procesos que llevan a la organización a su evolución y desarrollo. Posteriormente se abordará el tema de poder en relación con la comprensión del efecto que este puede tener sobre las interacciones que se dan entre las personas de la organización. Finalmente, se estudiará también desde la ecología, como el poder ejercido por los líderes puede influir en la forma en que estos agentes, es decir personas, procesos e interacciones, interactúan para movilizar a la organización. De esta forma, se asume el poder como un aspecto importante dentro del estudio del liderazgo, en cuanto éste puede afectar la forma en que las personas son lideradas al interior de la organización.

A gestão democrática da escola: do legislado ao instituído. Um estudo de caso numa escola

RESUMO: O presente trabalho enfoca a gestão da escola, um assunto ainda pouco discutido na realidade educativa cabo-verdiana, mas necessário, principalmente a partir do momento que a legislação se propõe a democratização da gestão da escola. Partindo da importância atribuída pela Ministério de Educação à participação da família e dos demais segmentos da comunidade educativa, expressada e enfatizada no decreto-lei que regula a organização e o funcionamentos dos estabelecimentos do ensino secundário, conjugado com o referencial teórico que sustenta que não basta decretar para que a gestão da escola se torne democrática, questionamos em que medida a gestão democrática, entendida como espaço de partilha de poder e de negociação, vem sendo construída e/ou conquistada, nas escolas secundárias. Perante esta problemática, o presente trabalho tem como finalidade investigar em que medida a gestão democrática proposta no Decreto-Lei nº20/2002 de 19 de Agosto, vem sendo construída ou conquistada no ensino secundário. Encontramos em Barroso, Lima, Patermam, Bordenave, Romão e Gadotti, entre outros, a sustentação teórica para as análises realizadas. Desta forma, a presente investigação insere-se numa abordagem descritivo-analítica. Nessa perspectiva, e em função da metodologia utilizada, estabeleceu-se como campo de pesquisa uma escola secundária pública, onde foram auscultados, por meio de entrevista e questionário, membros do conselho directivo, membros da associação de estudantes, pessoal docente e pais ou encarregados de educação. A realização da pesquisa permitiu perceber que, no contexto analisado, o processo da implementação da gestão democrática carece ainda de um amadurecimento profundo, pois os actores educativos são capazes de verbalizar um discurso articulado sobre o tema, mas não chamam a si a responsabilidade de promover ou criar incentivos efectivos à participação de toda a comunidade educativa no processo decisório e na construção de um projecto educativo comum. ABSTRACT: This work focuses on the democratic self-management of the school, a subject not much discussed in the educational reality of Cabo Verde, although its relevance, especially since the time that the legislation proposes the democratization of the school management. The importance given by the Ministry of Education to the participation of the families and other segments of the educational community is expressed and emphasized in the ordinance that regulates the organization and operation of secondary schools. This fact in conjunction with the theoretical underpinning that it is not enough to enact in order that the school management become democratic, we question the extent in which democratic management, understood as a space of power sharing and negotiation, has been constructed and / or conquered, in secondary schools. Facing that problem, this study aims to investigate in which extent the school democratic management, as proposed by the Decree-Law No. 20/2002 of the 19th August, is being built or conquered in secondary education. The theoretical underpinning for the analysis performed is based in the works of Barroso, Lima, Patermam, Bordenave, Romão and Gadotti, among others. Thus, the present research has a descriptive and analytical approach. From this perspective, and according with the adopted methodology, it was chosen a public high school as the research field, where members of the Board, members of the students association, staff and parents were listened through interviews and surveys. The research allowed us to realize that, in the context examined, the implementation process of a democratic school management still needs to mature. In fact, the educational actors are already able to verbalize an articulate discourse on the subject, but they do not call themselves to take the responsibility of promoting or create incentives for the effective participation of the whole school community in the decision making process or in the building a common educational project.

Isolated capital cities and misgovernance: theory and evidence

Motivated by a novel stylized fact { countries with isolated capital cities display worse quality of governance { we provide a framework of endogenous institutional choice based on the idea that elites are constrained by the threat of rebellion, and that this threat is rendered less e ective by distance from the seat of political power. In established democracies, the threat of insurgencies is not a binding constraint, and the model predicts no correlation between isolated capitals and misgovernance. In contrast, a correlation emerges in equilibrium in the case of autocracies. Causality runs both ways: broader power sharing (associated with better governance) means that any rents have to be shared more broadly, hence the elite has less of an incentive to protect its position by isolating the capital city; conversely, a more isolated capital city allows the elite to appropriate a larger share of output, so the costs of better governance for the elite, in terms of rents that would have to be shared, are larger. We show evidence that this pattern holds true robustly in the data. We also show that isolated capitals are associated with less power sharing, a larger income premium enjoyed by capital city inhabitants, and lower levels of military spending by ruling elites, as predicted by the theory.

A model of the rule of law

Economic development requires some limits on what those in power can do | the rule of law | but how can restraints be imposed on the powerful when there is no-one above them? This paper studies equilibrium rules allocating power and resources established by selfinterested incumbents under the threat of rebellions from inside and outside the group in power. Commitment to uphold individuals' rights can only be achieved if power is not as concentrated as incumbents would like it to be, ex post. Power sharing endogenously enables incumbents to commit to otherwise time-inconsistent laws by ensuring more people receive rents under the status quo, and thus want to defend it.

Municipalização das ações de vigilância sanitária em Marília - SP

Pós-graduação em Saúde Coletiva - FMB

Partnership, empowerment and local development

Este artigo busca entender como a parceria entre as organizações locais (associações, cooperativas, sindicatos dos trabalhadores e outros) e o governo contribui para o desenvolvimento local. O artigo explora em que medida a parceria é uma estratégia efetiva para o desenvolvimento local em áreas historicamente marcadas por conflito entre os governos municipais e as organizações locais que defendem os interesses dos pequenos produtores rurais de base familiar. Particularmente, o artigo se concentra na discussão sobre a parceria como um mecanismo de divisão de poder e empoderamento das pessoas que historicamente têm sido excluídas do processo de desenvolvimento local. Os dados empíricos do artigo foram coletados nos municípios de Ourém e Igarapé-Miri, Nordeste do Pará, Amazônia, Brasil.

Ações judiciais de Plínio, o jovem, no Tribunal dos Centúnviros e na Corte Senatorial (séculos I-II d.C.)

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Analysis and Implementation of Multiphase-Multilevel Inverter for Open-Winding Loads

Research work carried out in focusing a novel multiphase-multilevel ac motor drive system much suitable for low-voltage high-current power applications. In specific, six-phase asymmetrical induction motor with open-end stator winding configuration, fed from four standard two-level three-phase voltage source inverters (VSIs). Proposed synchronous reference frame control algorithm shares the total dc source power among the 4 VSIs in each switching cycle with three degree of freedom. Precisely, first degree of freedom concerns with the current sharing between two three-phase stator windings. Based on modified multilevel space vector pulse width modulation shares the voltage between each single VSIs of two three-phase stator windings with second and third degree of freedom, having proper multilevel output waveforms. Complete model of whole ac motor drive based on three-phase space vector decomposition approach was developed in PLECS - numerical simulation software working in MATLAB environment. Proposed synchronous reference control algorithm was framed in MATLAB with modified multilevel space vector pulse width modulator. The effectiveness of the entire ac motor drives system was tested. Simulation results are given in detail to show symmetrical and asymmetrical, power sharing conditions. Furthermore, the three degree of freedom are exploited to investigate fault tolerant capabilities in post-fault conditions. Complete set of simulation results are provided when one, two and three VSIs are faulty. Hardware prototype model of quad-inverter was implemented with two passive three-phase open-winding loads using two TMS320F2812 DSP controllers. Developed McBSP (multi-channel buffered serial port) communication algorithm able to control the four VSIs for PWM communication and synchronization. Open-loop control scheme based on inverse three-phase decomposition approach was developed to control entire quad-inverter configuration and tested with balanced and unbalanced operating conditions with simplified PWM techniques. Both simulation and experimental results are always in good agreement with theoretical developments.

The Good Society. A Comparative Study of Denmark and Switzerland

Denmark and Switzerland are small and successful countries with exceptionally content populations. However, they have very different political institutions and economic models. They have followed the general tendency in the West toward economic convergence, but both countries have managed to stay on top. They both have a strong liberal tradition, but otherwise their economic strategies are a welfare state model for Denmark and a safe haven model for Switzerland. The Danish welfare state is tax-based, while the expenditures for social welfare are insurance-based in Switzerland. The political institutions are a multiparty unicameral system in Denmark, and a permanent coalition system with many referenda and strong local government in Switzerland. Both approaches have managed to ensure smoothly working political power-sharing and economic systems that allocate resources in a fairly efficient way. To date, they have also managed to adapt the economies to changes in the external environment with a combination of stability and flexibility.

Ethnicity and Elections under Authoritarianism: The Case of Kazakhstan

Despite the ethnicisation of power since independence in 1991, Kazakhstan has managed to maintain political stability without experiencing large-scale mobilisation to oppose Kazakh domination. This paper examines government strategy to avoid ethnic voting in an attempt to explain why ethnic divisions were rarely reflected in the struggle for power in the republic. While the arbitrary use of legal provisions considerably limited participation in elections by ethnic leaders, powerful pro-president parties that exhibited a cross-ethnic character were created to curtail ethnically based movements. The control strategy in elections aimed not simply at ethnicising the parliament in favour of Kazakhs, but at having loyal Russians and other minorities represented in the legislature through nomination by the president and catch-all pro-regime parties, or through the presidential consultative body—Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan. This well-controlled representation of minorities served not only to placate non-Kazakhs but also to provide legitimacy for the Kazakh-dominated leadership by projecting the image of cross-ethnic support for the president and some degree of power-sharing.

Kenya after the 2007 "post-election violence" : constitutional reform and the National Accord and Reconciliation Act

Immediately after the announcement of the re-election of President Kibaki on the evening of 30 December 2007, Kenya was thrust into the worst civil unrest experienced by the country since independence – a development that became known as the "Post-Election Violence" (PEV). However, after a subsequent process of reconciliation, the PEV came to an end within a relatively short period. The present-day politics of Kenya are being conducted within the framework of a provisional Constitution that took shape through peaceful mediation. How did Kenya manage to put a lid on a period of turmoil that placed the country in unprecedented danger? This paper traces the sequence of events that led to mediation, explains the emergency measures that were needed to maintain law and order, and indicates the remaining problems that still need to be solved.

「アラブの春」後の移行期過程 -- 帰結を分ける諸要因

Diverging outcomes are unfolding in the post-Arab Uprising countries' transitional processes. In January 2014, Tunisia successfully adopted a new constitution based on a consensus of the opposing political parties and factions. In contrast, Egypt abolished one constitution and hastily instituted another in a time span of slightly more than a year. Yemen has announced the final document of the National Dialogue Conference in the same month. Libyans finally voted for the long awaited and disputed elections of the Constitutional Drafting Committee in February 2014. The paper picks up three factors which seem to be influential in determining the modality of transitional political process in the four Post-Arab spring countries. The first is the initial conditions of the transitional politics.. Differences in the way the previous regimes collapsed are analyzed to illuminate the continuity and break of the ruling institutions and state apparatus. The second factor is the type of the interim government. In line with Shain and Linz typology, provisional, power-sharing, caretaker, and international interim government models are applied to clarify the types of interim governments in each four countries' different phases in transitional politics. The third is the "rules of the game," particularly those pertaining to the constitutional process. Who set what kind of rules and how are to be considered in each of four countries and possible influences of each set of the rules of the game to the diverging results of the transitional politics are considered.