Capabilities of Police and Military Forces in Central America -- A Comparative Analysis of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras an d Nicaragua

A difficult transition to a new paradigm of Democratic Security and the subsequent process of military restructuring during the nineties led El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala and Nicaragua to re-consider their old structures and functions of their armed forces and police agencies. This study compares the institutions in the four countries mentioned above to assess their current condition and response capacity in view of the contemporary security challenges in Central America. This report reveals that the original intention of limiting armies to defend and protect borders has been threatened by the increasing participation of armies in public security. While the strength of armies has been consolidated in terms of numbers, air and naval forces have failed to become strengthened or sufficiently developed to effectively combat organized crime and drug trafficking and are barely able to conduct air and sea operations. Honduras has been the only country that has maintained a proportional distribution of its armed forces. However, security has been in the hands of a Judicial Police, supervised by the Public Ministry. The Honduran Judicial Police has been limited to exercising preventive police duties, prohibited from carrying out criminal investigations. Nicaragua, meanwhile, possesses a successful police force, socially recognized for maintaining satisfactory levels of security surpassing the Guatemalan and El Salvadoran police, which have not achieved similar results despite of having set up a civilian police force separate from the military. El Salvador meanwhile, has excelled in promoting a Police Academy and career professional education, even while not having military attachés in other countries. Regarding budgetary issues, the four countries allocate almost twice the amount of funding on their security budgets in comparison to what is allocated to their defense budgets. However, spending in both areas is low when taking into account each country's GDP as well as their high crime rates. Regional security challenges must be accompanied by a professionalization of the regional armies focused on protecting and defending borders. Therefore, strong institutional frameworks to support the fight against crime and drug trafficking are required. It will require the strengthening of customs, greater control of illicit arms trafficking, investment in education initiatives, creating employment opportunities and facilitating significant improvements in the judicial system, as well as its accessibility to the average citizen.

Knowledge management in law enforcement : knowledge views for patrolling police officers

This paper describes and classifies different types of knowledge that are a part of police patrol officer's practice. Even though an investigation usually forces a police officer to apply several different knowledge types, this paper discusses different forms of professional knowledge separately to enable categorisation.

Resilience of a corrupt police network : the first and second jokes in Queensland

Resilient organised crime groups survive and prosper despite law enforcement activity, criminal competition and market forces. Corrupt police networks, like any other crime network, must contain resiliency characteristics if they are to continue operation and avoid being closed down through detection and arrest of their members. This paper examines the resilience of a large corrupt police network, namely The Joke which operated in the Australian state of Queensland for a number of decades. The paper uses social network analysis tools to determine the resilient characteristics of the network. This paper also assumes that these characteristics will be different to those of mainstream organised crime groups because the police network operates within an established policing agency rather than as an independent entity hiding within the broader community.

Beyond the Pay: Current Illicit Activities of the Armed Forces in Central America

The growth of criminal gangs and organized crime groups has created unprecedented challenges in Central America. Homicide rates are among the highest in the world, countries spend on average close to 10 percent of GDP to respond to the challenges of public insecurity, and the security forces are frequently overwhelmed and at times coopted by the criminal groups they are increasingly tasked to counter. With some 90 percent of the 700 metric tons of cocaine trafficked from South America to the United States passing through Central America, the lure of aiding illegal traffickers through provision of arms, intelligence, or simply withholding or delaying the use of force is enormous. These conditions raise the question: to what extent are militaries in Central America compromised by illicit ties to criminal groups? The study focuses on three cases: Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Honduras. It finds that: Although illicit ties between the military and criminal groups have grown in the last decade, militaries in these countries are not yet “lost’ to criminal groups. Supplying criminal groups with light arms from military stocks is typical and on the rise, but still not common. In general the less exposed services, the navies and air forces, are the most reliable and effective ones in their roles in interdiction. Of the three countries in the study, the Honduran military is the most worrying because it is embedded in a context where civilian corruption is extremely common, state institutions are notoriously weak, and the political system remains polarized and lacks the popular legitimacy and political will needed to make necessary reforms. Overall, the armed forces in the three countries remain less compromised than civilian peers, particularly the police. However, in the worsening crime and insecurity context, there is a limited window of opportunity in which to introduce measures targeted toward the military, and such efforts can only succeed if opportunities for corruption in other sectors of the state, in particular in law enforcement and the justice system, are also addressed. Measures targeted toward the military should include: Enhanced material benefits and professional education opportunities that open doors for soldiers in promising legitimate careers once they leave military service. A clear system of rewards and punishments specifically designed to deter collusion with criminal groups. More effective securing of military arsenals. Skills and external oversight leveraged through combined operations, to build cooperation among those sectors of the military that have successful and clean records in countering criminal groups, and to expose weaker forces to effective best practices.

Quand la manifestation tourne à l'émeute : les affrontements violents entre forces de l'ordre et manifestants en Côte d'Ivoire.

Les manifestations de crise, en Côte d'Ivoire, ont été extrêmement violentes. Au cours des quinze dernières années, plus de 400 personnes sont mortes, tuées dans des affrontements avec les forces de sécurités ou des contre-manifestants. Malgré la gravité du problème, peu d’études scientifiques y sont consacrées et les rares analyses et enquêtes existantes portent, de façon unilatérale, sur l’identité et la responsabilité pénale des auteurs et commanditaires putatifs de cette violence. La présente étude s’élève contre le moralisme inhérent à ces approches pour aborder la question sous l’angle de l’interaction : cette thèse a pour objectif de comprendre les processus et logiques qui sous-tendent l’usage de la violence au cours des manifestations. Le cadre théorique utilisé dans cette étude qualitative est l’interactionnisme symbolique. Le matériel d’analyse est composé d’entrevues et de divers documents. Trente-trois (33) entrevues semi-dirigées ont été réalisées avec des policiers et des manifestants, cooptés selon la technique de la boule de neige, entre le 3 janvier et le 15 mai 2013, à Abidjan. Les rapports d’enquête, de l’ONG Human Rights Watch, sur les manifestations de crise, les manuels de formation de la police et divers autres matériaux périphériques ont également été consultés. Les données ont été analysées suivant les principes et techniques de la théorisation ancrée (Paillée, 1994). Trois principaux résultats ont été obtenus. Premièrement, le système ivoirien de maintien de l'ordre est conçu selon le modèle d’une « police du prince ». Les forces de sécurité dans leur ensemble y occupent une fonction subalterne d’exécutant. Elles sont placées sous autorité politique avec pour mandat la défense inconditionnelle des institutions. Le style standard de gestion des foules, qui en découle, est légaliste et répressif, correspondant au style d’escalade de la force (McPhail, Schweingruber, & Carthy, 1998). Cette « police du prince » dispose toutefois de marges de manœuvre sur le terrain, qui lui permettent de moduler son style en fonction de la conception qu’elle se fait de l’attitude des manifestants : paternaliste avec les foules dites calmes, elle devient répressive ou déviante avec les foules qu’elle définit comme étant hostiles. Deuxièmement, à rebours d’une conception victimaire de la foule, la violence est une transaction situationnelle dynamique entre forces de sécurité et manifestants. La violence suit un processus ascendant dont les séquences et les règles d’enchainement sont décrites. Ainsi, le premier niveau auquel s’arrête la majorité des manifestations est celui d’une force non létale bilatérale dans lequel les deux acteurs, protestataires et policiers, ont recours à des armes non incapacitantes, où les cailloux des premiers répondent au gaz lacrymogène des seconds. Le deuxième niveau correspond à la létalité unilatérale : la police ouvre le feu lorsque les manifestants se rapprochent de trop près. Le troisième et dernier niveau est atteint lorsque les manifestants utilisent à leur tour des armes à feu, la létalité est alors bilatérale. Troisièmement, enfin, le concept de « l’indignité républicaine » rend compte de la logique de la violence dans les manifestations. La violence se déclenche et s’intensifie lorsqu’une des parties, manifestants ou policiers, interprète l’acte posé par l’adversaire comme étant en rupture avec le rôle attendu du statut qu’il revendique dans la manifestation. Cet acte jugé indigne a pour conséquence de le priver de la déférence rattachée à son statut et de justifier à son encontre l’usage de la force. Ces actes d’indignités, du point de vue des policiers, sont symbolisés par la figure du manifestant hostile. Pour les manifestants, l’indignité des forces de sécurité se reconnait par des actes qui les assimilent à une milice privée. Le degré d’indignité perçu de l’acte explique le niveau d’allocation de la violence.

Quand la manifestation tourne à l'émeute : les affrontements violents entre forces de l'ordre et manifestants en Côte d'Ivoire

Les manifestations de crise, en Côte d'Ivoire, ont été extrêmement violentes. Au cours des quinze dernières années, plus de 400 personnes sont mortes, tuées dans des affrontements avec les forces de sécurités ou des contre-manifestants. Malgré la gravité du problème, peu d’études scientifiques y sont consacrées et les rares analyses et enquêtes existantes portent, de façon unilatérale, sur l’identité et la responsabilité pénale des auteurs et commanditaires putatifs de cette violence. La présente étude s’élève contre le moralisme inhérent à ces approches pour aborder la question sous l’angle de l’interaction : cette thèse a pour objectif de comprendre les processus et logiques qui sous-tendent l’usage de la violence au cours des manifestations. Le cadre théorique utilisé dans cette étude qualitative est l’interactionnisme symbolique. Le matériel d’analyse est composé d’entrevues et de divers documents. Trente-trois (33) entrevues semi-dirigées ont été réalisées avec des policiers et des manifestants, cooptés selon la technique de la boule de neige, entre le 3 janvier et le 15 mai 2013, à Abidjan. Les rapports d’enquête, de l’ONG Human Rights Watch, sur les manifestations de crise, les manuels de formation de la police et divers autres matériaux périphériques ont également été consultés. Les données ont été analysées suivant les principes et techniques de la théorisation ancrée (Paillée, 1994). Trois principaux résultats ont été obtenus. Premièrement, le système ivoirien de maintien de l'ordre est conçu selon le modèle d’une « police du prince ». Les forces de sécurité dans leur ensemble y occupent une fonction subalterne d’exécutant. Elles sont placées sous autorité politique avec pour mandat la défense inconditionnelle des institutions. Le style standard de gestion des foules, qui en découle, est légaliste et répressif, correspondant au style d’escalade de la force (McPhail, Schweingruber, & Carthy, 1998). Cette « police du prince » dispose toutefois de marges de manœuvre sur le terrain, qui lui permettent de moduler son style en fonction de la conception qu’elle se fait de l’attitude des manifestants : paternaliste avec les foules dites calmes, elle devient répressive ou déviante avec les foules qu’elle définit comme étant hostiles. Deuxièmement, à rebours d’une conception victimaire de la foule, la violence est une transaction situationnelle dynamique entre forces de sécurité et manifestants. La violence suit un processus ascendant dont les séquences et les règles d’enchainement sont décrites. Ainsi, le premier niveau auquel s’arrête la majorité des manifestations est celui d’une force non létale bilatérale dans lequel les deux acteurs, protestataires et policiers, ont recours à des armes non incapacitantes, où les cailloux des premiers répondent au gaz lacrymogène des seconds. Le deuxième niveau correspond à la létalité unilatérale : la police ouvre le feu lorsque les manifestants se rapprochent de trop près. Le troisième et dernier niveau est atteint lorsque les manifestants utilisent à leur tour des armes à feu, la létalité est alors bilatérale. Troisièmement, enfin, le concept de « l’indignité républicaine » rend compte de la logique de la violence dans les manifestations. La violence se déclenche et s’intensifie lorsqu’une des parties, manifestants ou policiers, interprète l’acte posé par l’adversaire comme étant en rupture avec le rôle attendu du statut qu’il revendique dans la manifestation. Cet acte jugé indigne a pour conséquence de le priver de la déférence rattachée à son statut et de justifier à son encontre l’usage de la force. Ces actes d’indignités, du point de vue des policiers, sont symbolisés par la figure du manifestant hostile. Pour les manifestants, l’indignité des forces de sécurité se reconnait par des actes qui les assimilent à une milice privée. Le degré d’indignité perçu de l’acte explique le niveau d’allocation de la violence.

Marketplace forces and the history of retailing : The cycle of control

This paper traces the history of store (retailer-controlled) and national (manufacture controlled)brands; identifies the key historical characteristics of the past 200 years of marketing history;describes the four main time periods of U.S. retail marketing (1800 - 2000); and comments on the most likely developments within the current phases of brand marketing. Will the future focus on technology and new forms of communications? The Internet exemplifies an unconventional retailing environment, with etailer numbers growing rapidly. The central proposition of this paper is that a "cycle of control" - a pattern of marketing developments within the history of retailing and national marketing communications - Can indicate the success of marketing strategies in the future.

Predatory police : the roles of ethics and networks as mediating factors

The institution the police force has been established to protect citizens and their property from harm and predatory opportunism. However, there have been occasions when the very people assigned to protect become part of the predatory force against society. Predatory policing occurs when the police use their powers to extort money in the form of bribes. While, the concept is receiving attention in Europe but there have not been any direct studies in Australia. To overcome this research deficit and determine the extent, if any, of predatory policing in Australia data is interrogated from four police corruption inquiries in the Australian states of Queensland, New South Wales, Victoria and Western Australia. In addition, it examines the role of the type of networks used by corrupt police officers. The synthesis and application of public corruption and network literatures to the predatory policing domain provides new and relevant insights to assist those responsible for the administration of our institutions of justice. The paper concludes with a framework, drawn from the first stage of the project, to assist in the conceptualisation and monitoring of this public problem.

Project diagnostics : assessing the condition of projects and identifying poor health combing forces

In many cases, construction projects do not achieve the objectives that the project participants set for them. If participants could better understand how their project is performing overall, at various stages of its delivery, then the opportunities to achieve project success would almost certainly be greater. This paper documents a method of assessing the status of a project, at a point in its design or construction phase, or after completion. The status is assessed in terms of up to seven (7) key success factors. Any evidence of less than adequate performance in these performance areas is scrutinised to seek out the root causes of why this situation is happening. Using these identified root causes of under performance, general suggestions can then be made as to how to return the project to good health. A software package that assists in assessing the status of the project has been developed. The package is currently being calibrated before commercial release.

The measurement of applied forces during anterior single rod correction of adolescent idiopathic scoliosis

Adolescent idiopathic scoliosis (AIS) is the most common form of spinal deformity in paediatrics, prevalent in approximately 2-4% of the general population. While it is a complex three-dimensional deformity, it is clinically characterised by an abnormal lateral curvature of the spine. The treatment for severe deformity is surgical correction with the use of structural implants. Anterior single rod correction employs a solid rod connected to the anterior spine via vertebral body screws. Correction is achieved by applying compression between adjacent vertebral body screws, before locking each screw onto the rod. Biomechanical complication rates have been reported as high as 20.8%, and include rod breakage, screw pull-out and loss of correction. Currently, the corrective forces applied to the spine are unknown. These forces are important variables to consider in understanding the biomechanics of scoliosis correction. The purpose of this study was to measure these forces intra-operatively during anterior single rod AIS correction.

Curvilinear relationships between the job demands-resources (JD-R) model, and work engagement : a police service case study

The current study aims to investigate the non-linear relationship between the JD-R model and work engagement. Previous research has identified linear relationships between these constructs; however there are strong theoretical arguments for testing curvilinear relationships (e.g., Warr, 1987). Data were collected via a self-report online survey from officers of one Australian police service (N = 2,626). Results demonstrated a curvilinear relationship between job demands and job resources and engagement. Gender (as a control variable) was also found to be a significant predictor of work engagement. The results indicated that male police officers experienced significantly higher job demands and colleague support than female officers. However, female police officers reported significantly higher levels of work engagement than male officers. This study emphasises the need to test curvilinear relationships, as well as simple linear associations, when measuring psychological health.

Work engagement and its antecedents in high-risk occupations : a police service case study

Introduction: Work engagement is a recent application of positive psychology and refers to a positive, fulfilling, work-related state of mind characterized by vigor, dedication and absorption. Despite theoretical assumptions, there is little published research on work engagement, due primarily to its recent emergence as a psychological construct. Furthermore, examining work engagement among high-stress occupations, such as police, is useful because police officers are generally characterized as having a high level of work engagement. Previous research has identified job resources (e.g. social support) as antecedents of work engagement. However detailed evaluation of job demands as an antecedent of work engagement within high-stress occupations has been scarce. Thus our second aim was to test job demands (i.e. monitoring demands and problem-solving demands) and job resources (i.e. time control, method control, supervisory support, colleague support, and friend and family support) as antecedents of work engagement among police officers. Method: Data were collected via a self-report online survey from one Australian state police service (n = 1,419). Due to the high number of hypothesized antecedent variables, hierarchical multiple regression analysis was employed rather than structural equation modelling. Results: Work engagement reported by police officers was high. Female officers had significantly higher levels of work engagement than male officers, while officers at mid-level ranks (sergeant) reported the lowest levels of work engagement. Job resources (method control, supervisor support and colleague support) were significant antecedents of three dimensions of work engagement. Only monitoring demands were significant antecedent of the absorption. Conclusion: Having healthy and engaged police officers is important for community security and economic growth. This study identified some common factors which influence work engagement experienced by police officers. However, we also note that excessive work engagement can yield negative outcomes such as psychological distress.