Le tonneau des Danaïdes ou de l’européanisation à l’Est : la grande corruption en Roumanie – types, causes, conséquences

Pourquoi la Roumanie ne réussit-elle pas l'épreuve de l'européanisation? À travers quatre études de cas, ce mémoire souligne le rôle central occupé par les partis politiques dans le développement de la corruption en Roumanie. En adaptant la théorie créée par Jonathan Pinto, Carrie Leana et Frits Pil, il montre que le type le plus répandu de corruption n'est pas individuel mais organisationnel et se propage à travers les partis. Plus précisément, les études de cas servent à comparer les phénomènes de l'Organisation d'Individus Corrompus (OIC) et de l'Organisation Corrompue (OC). En Roumanie, les deux types coexistent. Toutefois, de par l’étendue et la puissance supérieure dans le fonctionnement de l’OC par rapport à l’OIC, de par la définition et tel que le montre l'analyse des études de cas choisies, le phénomène de l’Organisation Corrompue dans sa manifestation à l'intérieur des partis politiques a plus de conséquences négatives sur le développement économique, politique et sur l’intégration européenne du pays comprise dans le sens d’idéal démocratique et de modernité dont tout État membre de l’Union européenne tente de se rapprocher.

The Forgotten Side of Partisanship: Negative Party Identification in Four Anglo-American Democracies

Early studies of electoral behavior proposed that party identification could be negative as well as positive. Over time, though, the concept became mostly understood as a positive construct. The few studies that took negative identification into account tended to portray it as a marginal factor that went “hand-in-hand” with positive preferences. Recent scholarship in psychology reaffirms, however, that negative evaluations are not simply the bipolar opposite of positive ones. This article considers negative party identification from this standpoint, and evaluates its impact in recent national elections in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States. Our findings highlight the autonomous power of negative partisanship. They indicate as well that ideology has an influence on both positive and negative partisan identification.

Political Parties and Foreign Aid

The influence of partisan politics on public policy is a much debated issue of political science. With respect to foreign policy, often considered as above parties, the question appears even more problematic. This comparison of foreign aid policies in 16 OECD countries develops a structural equation model and uses LISREL analysis to demonstrate that parties do matter, even in international affairs. Social-democratic parties have an effect on a country's level of development assistance. This effect, however, is neither immediate nor direct. First, it appears only in the long run. Second, the relationship between leftist partisan strength and foreign aid works through welfare state institutions and social spending. Our findings indicate how domestic politics shapes foreign conduct. We confirm the empirical relevance of cumulative partisan scores and show how the influence of parties is mediated by other political determinants.

Activism and participation among people of migrant background : discourses and practices of inclusiveness in four italian cities

Alors que l’intérêt pour les processus d’intégration des immigrants et des minorités ethniques est en pleine croissance parmi les chercheurs européens, les facteurs qui expliquent les différentes formes de participation civique et politique doivent être examinés plus en profondeur. Prenant pour base la littérature sur l’immigration, cette étude examine la question de recherche suivante: Comment peut-on expliquer les variations des formes de participation civique et politique des activistes issus de l’immigration au niveau local? Afin de répondre à cette question, cette étude identifie les formes de participation de la part d’activistes issus de l’immigration dans quatre villes Italiennes et examine les discours et les pratiques de multiples acteurs impliqués dans le domaine de l’immigration dans un contexte national d’hostilité croissante. Cette thèse soutient que pour comprendre différentes formes de participation, il est important de considérer non seulement l’État et les acteurs institutionnels, mais aussi les acteurs non-institutionnels et examiner comment ces derniers influencent les opportunités ainsi que les restrictions à la participation. Par ailleurs, cette recherche examine les canaux conventionnels et non-conventionnels dans quatre villes italiennes et étudie les activistes issus de l’immigration comme des acteurs politiques pertinents, capables de se mobiliser et d’influencer la participation à travers leur interaction et alliances avec les acteurs de la société d’accueil. Cette recherche a permis de produire trois résultats. Le premier montre que les approches d’intégration adoptées par les acteurs sont importantes. Cette étude a identifié trois approches d’intégration: 1) « welfariste », basée sur l’idée que les immigrants sont dans le besoin et doivent donc recevoir des services; 2) interculturelle, basée sur l’idée que les immigrants sont de futurs citoyens et que l’intégration est réciproque; 3) promotion des droits politiques, basée sur l’idée que les immigrants ont des droits politiques fondamentaux ; et qui encourage l’ouverture des canaux de participation politique, surtout aux immigrants privés du droit de vote local. L’analyse empirique démontre que, alors que l’approche welfariste n’encourage pas la participation parce qu’elle conçoit les immigrants comme des acteurs passifs, les autres deux approches ont respectivement un impact sur les formes de participation civique et politique. La deuxième conclusion souligne le rôle des acteurs de gauche. En particulier, cette étude montre que les acteurs qui ouvrent de canaux pour la participation ne sont pas uniquement les acteurs de gauche modérée, comme les autorités locales, les partis politiques et les syndicats, mais aussi les groupes de gauche radicale et non-institutionnelle. Chaque acteur de gauche comprend et agit différemment par rapport aux sujets de l’immigration et de la participation et ce fait influence comment les activistes issues de l’immigration se mobilisent. La troisième conclusion met en évidence le rôle de la perception des opportunités par les activistes issus de l’immigration et la façon avec laquelle ils s’approprient les discours et les pratiques des acteurs de gauche. Ce travail démontre que l’ouverture de canaux est possible grâce à l’engagement de personnes issues de l’immigration qui agissent à travers les opportunités qui leurs sont offertes, créent des alliances avec la gauche et défient les discours et pratiques des acteurs locaux.

Compétition et collaboration: quel mode de négociation les élus doivent-ils adopter dans les États fédéraux ?

Éditorial du 9 février 2015

El papel del Polo Democrático Alternativo en las movilizaciones agrarias de la última década

El interés de esta monografía es analizar el papel que han jugado las organizaciones de izquierda en las recientes movilizaciones agrarias. Para esto, se evaluará la relación entre el Polo Democrático Alternativo y el paro de los corteros de caña del 2008 y las movilizaciones lecheras en contra de los decretos que prohibían la comercialización de leche en cantina. El trabajo aborda un estudio histórico desde mitad del siglo XX que pretende evidenciar la relación gremio-gobierno y su, posterior, decaimiento; a su vez, la táctica que han empleado las organizaciones de izquierda para permear mayores sectores agrarios y, en especial, el mecanismo adoptado en la última década por el Polo Democrático Alternativo.

Partidos políticos e educação: os projetos neoliberal e socialista: PFL, PRN, PDT e PT

O objeto de estudo desse trabalho é a análise da concepção de política educacional de partidos políticos atuantes no cenário político brasileiro: PFL, PRN, PDT e PT. O trabalho foi subdividido em quatro partes. Na parte inicial é detalhado o quadro teórico que permeará a análise dos referidos partidos a partir de dois enfoques. O primeiro trata dos referenciais teóricos utilizados nos estudos acerca das políticas sociais e especificamente das educacionais. O segundo aborda a relação entre educação e trabalho no modo de produção capitalista. A segunda parte do trabalho é relativa aos pressupostos teóricos que embassam os partidos políticos: Neoliberalismo e Socialismo. Nela são delineados os pontos principais do conceito de educação de cada vertente. Na terceira parte são efetuadas considerações sobre os partidos adeptos do neoliberalismo (PFL e PRN) e do Socialismo (PT e PDT). São sintetizados os pontos principais dos programas desses partidos. Na última parte é procedida a análise da concretização de duas políticas educacionais: a do Governo Collor e a do Partido dos Trabalhadores nos municípios sob sua administração.

As associações de moradores vinculadas à FAMERJ e a construção de uma educação para a cidadania através da politização de base: (o Movimento Associativo de Moradores do Rio : uma nova política está na rua)

O Movimento Associativo de Moradores do Rio e seu potencial político na perspectiva da transformação da sociedade. Breve histórico das Associações de Moradores, de 1910 à década de 80. Assistencialismo, colaboracionismo e busca de autonomia. A vinculação com o Estado e com os partidos políticos. As lutas específicas da FAMERJ: Saúde, Habitação, Abastecimento, Transportes Coletivos, Educação, Cultura, Lazer e Saneamento Básico. Os limites do Movimento: reivindicações localistas, visão classista pequeno-burguesa. As possibilidades do Movimento: questionamento da estrutura urbana decorrente da hegemonia capitalista. A função social da cidade. A pedagogia do Movimento: primeiro patamar da vida gregária e solidária; uma linguagem nova; ações criativas como chamamento à participação. A politização de base resultante da função educativa dos Movimentos Sociais Urbanos. A apreensão do cotidiano em sua dimensão sócio-política. A crise do Movimento. Suas virtualidades.

Itinerários, estruturas de sociabilidades e ação política: intelectuais de São Paulo na crise do Império (1875-1889)

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Party Members as an Electoral Linking Mechanism

While party membership figures are clearly in decline in several Western countries, different interpretations have been offered on the likely consequences of this trend. Some authors stress that members have lost most of their importance for political parties that increasingly rely on professionalized campaign techniques. Other scholars have expressed concern about the decline of party membership. They emphasize the fact that party members continue to function as an important linkage mechanism providing a structural alignment between the party and society (and thus also to potential voters). By means of an election forecasting model for Belgium, we test whether party membership figures still can be related to election results. Results show that party membership has a strong effect on election results, and furthermore, that this relation does not weaken during the period under investigation (1981-2010). The analysis also demonstrates that forecasting models can also be used in a complex multiparty system like Belgium.

Party Members as an Electoral Linking Mechanism

While party membership figures are clearly in decline in several Western countries, different interpretations have been offered on the likely consequences of this trend. Some authors stress that members have lost most of their importance for political parties that increasingly rely on professionalized campaign techniques. Other scholars have expressed concern about the decline of party membership. They emphasize the fact that party members continue to function as an important linkage mechanism providing a structural alignment between the party and society (and thus also to potential voters). By means of an election forecasting model for Belgium, we test whether party membership figures still can be related to election results. Results show that party membership has a strong effect on election results, and furthermore, that this relation does not weaken during the period under investigation (1981-2010). The analysis also demonstrates that forecasting models can also be used in a complex multiparty system like Belgium.

Partisan Dealignment in Germany: A rejoinder to Russell Dalton

The work of Russell Dalton has undoubtedly played a seminal role in the study of the relation between political sophistication and partisan dealignment. We furthermore acknowledge the presence of a consensus on the occurrence of lower levels of partisanship in Germany. Using panel data as well as pooled cross-sectional observations, however, it is clear that generational replacement is not the sole driving force of partisan dealignment, but that period effects should also be taken into account. While on an aggregate level rising levels of political sophistication have occurred simultaneously with decreasing partisanship, individual level analysis suggests clearly that the least sophisticated are most likely to feel alienated from the party system. We close with some very specific suggestion on how to address the democratic consequences of declining levels of partisanship.

Age, Period and Cohort effects in the Decline of Party Identification in Germany

Party identification traditionally is seen as an important linkage mechanism, connecting voters to the party system. Previous analyses have suggested that the level of party identity is in decline in Germany, and in this article, we first expand previous observations with more recent data. These suggest that the erosion of party identity continues up to the present time. An age-period-cohort analysis of the panel data of the SOEP panel suggests that period effects are significantly negative. Furthermore, it can be observed that throughout the 1992-2009 observation period, education level and political interest have become more important determinants of party identity. Contrary to some of the literature, therefore, it can be shown that the loss of party identity is concentrated among groups with lower levels of political sophistication, indicating that the socio-economic profile of the group with a sense of party identification has become more distinct compared to the population as a whole. In the discussion, we investigate the theoretical and democratic consequences of this trend.

Democracy and the organization of political parties,

Tr. of: La democratie et l'organisation des partispolitiques

Partisan Dealignment in Germany: A rejoinder to Russell Dalton

The work of Russell Dalton has undoubtedly played a seminal role in the study of the relation between political sophistication and partisan dealignment. We furthermore acknowledge the presence of a consensus on the occurrence of lower levels of partisanship in Germany. Using panel data as well as pooled cross-sectional observations, however, it is clear that generational replacement is not the sole driving force of partisan dealignment, but that period effects should also be taken into account. While on an aggregate level rising levels of political sophistication have occurred simultaneously with decreasing partisanship, individual level analysis suggests clearly that the least sophisticated are most likely to feel alienated from the party system. We close with some very specific suggestion on how to address the democratic consequences of declining levels of partisanship.