988 resultados para Participation rights


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Within the framework of the “capability approach” to human rights, this paper argues that adults who facilitate participatory planning and design with children and youth have an ethical obligation to foster young people’s capacities for active democratic citizenship. Practitioners often worry, justifiably, that if young people fail to see their ideas realized, they may become disillusioned and alienated from political life. Based on the experience of the Growing Up in Cities program of UNESCO, four rules of good practice are distilled which can help promote young people’s belief in the value of collective action, regardless of the challenges that the full implementation of their ideas may face.

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This paper is based on case study research conducted in an economically depressed, immigrant gateway neighborhood of Escondido, California. This study has been in progress since 2005 and involves working with children at the local middle school on rights-based community environmental action research projects in coordination with student facilitators in an upper-division university class titled “Children and the Environment.” This case study has suggested inquiry into the practical ethical dimensions of working with children, administrators, and university students on action research. Examples of the ethical questions which arose during this study include: how can continuity for the middle school children be achieved as different groups of university stu- dents move in and out of the project as they take and finish the “Children and the Environment” class, and is it ethical for the middle school children’s work to be facilitated by university stu- dents only freshly trained in the action research technique? This paper explores these and other ethical questions involving power, coercion, tension over expectations, and obligation and provides direction for on-going ethical questions scholars should pursue in involving children in rights-based community environmental action research.

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Alors que l’intérêt pour les processus d’intégration des immigrants et des minorités ethniques est en pleine croissance parmi les chercheurs européens, les facteurs qui expliquent les différentes formes de participation civique et politique doivent être examinés plus en profondeur. Prenant pour base la littérature sur l’immigration, cette étude examine la question de recherche suivante: Comment peut-on expliquer les variations des formes de participation civique et politique des activistes issus de l’immigration au niveau local? Afin de répondre à cette question, cette étude identifie les formes de participation de la part d’activistes issus de l’immigration dans quatre villes Italiennes et examine les discours et les pratiques de multiples acteurs impliqués dans le domaine de l’immigration dans un contexte national d’hostilité croissante. Cette thèse soutient que pour comprendre différentes formes de participation, il est important de considérer non seulement l’État et les acteurs institutionnels, mais aussi les acteurs non-institutionnels et examiner comment ces derniers influencent les opportunités ainsi que les restrictions à la participation. Par ailleurs, cette recherche examine les canaux conventionnels et non-conventionnels dans quatre villes italiennes et étudie les activistes issus de l’immigration comme des acteurs politiques pertinents, capables de se mobiliser et d’influencer la participation à travers leur interaction et alliances avec les acteurs de la société d’accueil. Cette recherche a permis de produire trois résultats. Le premier montre que les approches d’intégration adoptées par les acteurs sont importantes. Cette étude a identifié trois approches d’intégration: 1) « welfariste », basée sur l’idée que les immigrants sont dans le besoin et doivent donc recevoir des services; 2) interculturelle, basée sur l’idée que les immigrants sont de futurs citoyens et que l’intégration est réciproque; 3) promotion des droits politiques, basée sur l’idée que les immigrants ont des droits politiques fondamentaux ; et qui encourage l’ouverture des canaux de participation politique, surtout aux immigrants privés du droit de vote local. L’analyse empirique démontre que, alors que l’approche welfariste n’encourage pas la participation parce qu’elle conçoit les immigrants comme des acteurs passifs, les autres deux approches ont respectivement un impact sur les formes de participation civique et politique. La deuxième conclusion souligne le rôle des acteurs de gauche. En particulier, cette étude montre que les acteurs qui ouvrent de canaux pour la participation ne sont pas uniquement les acteurs de gauche modérée, comme les autorités locales, les partis politiques et les syndicats, mais aussi les groupes de gauche radicale et non-institutionnelle. Chaque acteur de gauche comprend et agit différemment par rapport aux sujets de l’immigration et de la participation et ce fait influence comment les activistes issues de l’immigration se mobilisent. La troisième conclusion met en évidence le rôle de la perception des opportunités par les activistes issus de l’immigration et la façon avec laquelle ils s’approprient les discours et les pratiques des acteurs de gauche. Ce travail démontre que l’ouverture de canaux est possible grâce à l’engagement de personnes issues de l’immigration qui agissent à travers les opportunités qui leurs sont offertes, créent des alliances avec la gauche et défient les discours et pratiques des acteurs locaux.

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This article seeks to demystify the foundations of rights. It looks at the search for some systemic differentiation. It emphasizes effectiveness, legitimacy, the importance of convention and of political participation as common elements of the different theoretical approaches to human rights. By analysing these elements it is possible to build the term “human rights” as a concept capable of being measured accurately by studying the effectiveness of legal rules as applied to human rights in specific contexts.

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This paper was written within the context of the research project “The development of teacher’ associative organizations and unionism (1889-1990)” funded by the Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia (Foundation for Science and Technology). Five important congresses about secondary education were organized in Portugal between 1927 and 1931. These congresses served to claim the rights of teachers and the consolidation of the class, as well as to promote the discussion of scientific and pedagogical problems. In these congresses, the presence of female teachers was residual. However, the few teachers who participated had a significant contribution to the definition of secondary education during the following decades. Among other issues, it contributed to the discussion of female education and to analyze the importance of Biology and Physical Education in high schools. This paper presents the analysis of the minutes of the 1927s and 1928s Congresses. This analysis allowed the assessment of the important role played by a group of teachers to define, at the end of the first third of the 20th century, the future guidelines of Portuguese secondary education. It also reported that these teachers were pioneers who opened the way for the increasing number of teachers in secondary education during the 20th century.

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This work seeks to reconstruct the dynamics of the agreements and disagreements between the State and the indigenous peoples in Ecuador, emphasising particularly on two key elements: first, the indigenous peoples participation and exercise of their political rights, in particular the right to self-government and autonomy within their jurisdictions; and secondly, indigenous peoples’ degree of direct influence on public policies’ formulation and implementation, specially those directly affecting their territories, including the exploitation of natural resources. In Ecuador, during this historical period, the state has gone through three major moments in its relationship with indigenous peoples: neo - indigenism associated to developmentalism (1980-1984); multiculturalism associated to neoliberalism (1984- 2006) as one of the dominant trends over the period; and the crisis of neoliberalism and the search for national diversity and interculturalism associated to post- neoliberalism (2007-2013). Each has had a particular connotation, as to the scope and methods to respond to indigenous demands. In this context, this research aims to answer the central question: how has the Ecuadorian State met the demands of the indigenous movement in the last three decades, and how has it ensured the validity of their gradually recognized rights? And how and to what extent by doing so, it contradicts and alters the existing economic model based on the extraction of primary resources?

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Fixed transactions costs that prohibit exchange engender bias in supply analysis due to censoring of the sample observations. The associated bias in conventional regression procedures applied to censored data and the construction of robust methods for mitigating bias have been preoccupations of applied economists since Tobin [Econometrica 26 (1958) 24]. This literature assumes that the true point of censoring in the data is zero and, when this is not the case, imparts a bias to parameter estimates of the censored regression model. We conjecture that this bias can be significant; affirm this from experiments; and suggest techniques for mitigating this bias using Bayesian procedures. The bias-mitigating procedures are based on modifications of the key step that facilitates Bayesian estimation of the censored regression model; are easy to implement; work well in both small and large samples; and lead to significantly improved inference in the censored regression model. These findings are important in light of the widespread use of the zero-censored Tobit regression and we investigate their consequences using data on milk-market participation in the Ethiopian highlands. (C) 2004 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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The book develops a novel legal argument about the voting rights of recognised 1951 Geneva Convention Refugees. The main normative contention is that such refugees should have the right to vote in the political community where they reside, assuming that the political community is a democracy and that its citizens have the right to vote. The basis of this contention is that the right to political participation in some political community is a basic right from the point of view of dignity and the protection of one’s interests. Due to their unique political predicament, 1951 Geneva Convention Refugees are a special category of non-citizen residents. They are unable to participate in elections of their state of origin, do not enjoy its diplomatic protection and consular assistance abroad, and – most fundamentally – are unable or unwilling, owing to a well-founded fear of persecution, to return to it; thus, they are in limbo for a potentially protracted period. Refugees, too, deserve to have a place in the world in the Arendtian sense, where their opinions are significant and their actions are effective. Their state of asylum is, for the time being, the only community in which there is any realistic prospect of political participation on their part.

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Temporomandibular disorders represent one of the major challenges in dentistry therapeutics. This study was undertaken to evaluate the time course of carrageenan-induced inflammation in the rat temporomandibular joint (TMJ) and to investigate the role of tachykinin NK(1) receptors. Inflammation was induced by a single intra-articular (i.art.) injection of carrageenan into the left TMJ (control group received sterile saline). Inflammatory parameters such as plasma extravasation, leukocyte influx and mechanical allodynia (measured as the head-withdrawal force threshold) and TNF alpha and IL-1 beta concentrations were measured in the TMJ lavages at selected time-points. The carrageenan-induced responses were also evaluated after treatment with the NK(1) receptor antagonist SR140333. The i.art. injection of carrageenan into the TMJ caused a time-dependent plasma extravasation associated with mechanical allodynia, and a marked neutrophil accumulation between 4 and 24 h. Treatment with SR140333 substantially inhibited the increase in plasma extravasation and leukocyte influx at 4 and 24 h, as well as the production of TNF alpha and IL-1 beta into the joint cavity, but failed to affect changes in head-withdrawal threshold. The results obtained from the present TMJ-arthritis model provide, for the first time, information regarding the time course of this experimental inflammatory process. In addition, our data show that peripheral NK(1) receptors mediate the production of both TNF alpha and IL-1 beta in the TMJ as well as some of the inflammatory signs, such as plasma extravasation and leukocyte influx, but not the nociceptive component. 2008 European Federation of Chapters of the International Association for the Study of Pain. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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The TCABR data analysis and acquisition system has been upgraded to support a joint research programme using remote participation technologies. The architecture of the new system uses Java language as programming environment. Since application parameters and hardware in a joint experiment are complex with a large variability of components, requirements and specification solutions need to be flexible and modular, independent from operating system and computer architecture. To describe and organize the information on all the components and the connections among them, systems are developed using the extensible Markup Language (XML) technology. The communication between clients and servers uses remote procedure call (RPC) based on the XML (RPC-XML technology). The integration among Java language, XML and RPC-XML technologies allows to develop easily a standard data and communication access layer between users and laboratories using common software libraries and Web application. The libraries allow data retrieval using the same methods for all user laboratories in the joint collaboration, and the Web application allows a simple graphical user interface (GUI) access. The TCABR tokamak team in collaboration with the IPFN (Instituto de Plasmas e Fusao Nuclear, Instituto Superior Tecnico, Universidade Tecnica de Lisboa) is implementing this remote participation technologies. The first version was tested at the Joint Experiment on TCABR (TCABRJE), a Host Laboratory Experiment, organized in cooperation with the IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency) in the framework of the IAEA Coordinated Research Project (CRP) on ""Joint Research Using Small Tokamaks"". (C) 2010 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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Experimental evidence shows that the mechanism of pore formation by actinoporins is a multistep process, involving binding of the water-soluble monomer to the membrane and subsequent oligomerization on the membrane surface, leading to the formation of a functional pore. However, as for other eukaryotic pore-forming toxins, the molecular details of the mechanism of membrane insertion and oligomerization are not clear. In order to obtain further insight with regard to the structure-function relationship in sticholysins, we designed and produced three cysteine mutants of recombinant sticholysin I (rStI) in relevant functional regions for membrane interaction: StI E2C and StI F15C (in the N-terminal region) and StI R52C (in the membrane binding site). The conformational characterization derived from fluorescence and CD spectroscopic studies of StI E2C, StI F15C and StI R52C suggests that replacement of these residues by Cys in rStI did not noticeably change the conformation of the protein. The substitution by Cys of Arg(52) in the phosphocholine-binding site, provoked noticeable changes in rStI permeabilizing activity; however, the substitutions in the N-terminal region (Glu(2), Phe(15)) did not modify the toxin`s permeabilizing ability. The presence of a dimerized population stabilized by a disulfide bond in the StI E2C mutant showed higher pore-forming activity than when the protein is in the monomeric state, suggesting that sticholysins pre-ensembled at the N-terminal region could facilitate pore formation. (C) 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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The mechanism of the addition reaction of TeCl(4) to alkynes was indirectly established by the detection of TeCl(3) centered radicals using EPR spin trapping, ESI-MS and ESI-MS/MS characterization. Crown Copyright (C) 2008 Published by Elsevier B. V. All rights reserved.

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The purpose of this article is to explain why recent corporate governance reforms and initiatives proclaiming to enhance shareholder participation and elevate shareholder rights, do not go far enough. Indeed, it is suggested that corporate governance polices and reform programs, which have emerged across the world in response to a number of high-profile corporate collapses, act to re-emphasise the limited, 'passive' role which individual shareholders have traditionally experienced in public companies. Although increasing the amount information provided to shareholders about corporate decisions and strategies, and providing shareholders with a greater opportunity to participate in annual general meetings, do go some way in 'empowering' shareholders, it is argued that shareholders essentially remain passive observers, rather than becoming active participants. To become active participants, or corporate governance 'insiders " it is argued that corporate law needs to be directed at piercing the 'decision-making sphere' for individual shareholders in public companies. This involves accommodating an active role for shareholders in the actual decision-making processes of the corporation, rather than simply being informed of decisions that are made and being entitled to veto decisions at the annual general meeting. The second part of the article looks specifically at how the 'oppression' or 'unfair prejudice' remedy, the most commonly used shareholder remedy, is capable - if reformulated so that the pursuit of happiness, rather than vague notions of 'fairness' and 'justice' is the central objective of the remedy - of being used to influence a change of culture within public companies directed at facilitating an active participatory role for shareholders.

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Two existing models are used to conceptualize the constrained and limited participation in the communist system. The mobilization model suggests that participation was so mobilized by the party/state that it was largely meaningless, while the disengagement model supports the idea that many communist citizens adopted non-participatory behaviors such as non-voting as a means of protest. This paper attempts to demonstrate the importance of a third model – the emergent democratic culture model. The survey results show that the participation index is in proportion to the number of elections in which a villager is involved; and a growing number of voters in Zhejiang are developing citizen-initiated participation, with rights consciousness.

This research finds that the level of participation is influenced by three major factors: the perceived worth of the election itself, regularity of electoral procedures, and the fairness of electoral procedures. It also finds that parochial political culture and political apathy still exist, and the emergent democratic consciousness falls short of an ideal democratic standard. While a highly democratic culture helps to develop village democracy, the apathetic attitude continues to support the authoritarian leadership and structure in many villages. The paper also gives an account of survey research in rural China and offers a thoughtful critique of the use of voting and non-voting as the sole indicator of political participation.