Nietzsche and Neo-Kantian historiography: points of contact

In the German academies of Nietzsche's period of writing, the Kantian tradition was largely displaced in favor of two independent schools that have since been labeled "Neo-Kantianism." This paper presents four key theses about philosophy of history from four Neo-Kantian thinkers, how they follow from their adaptation of the Kantian tradition, and how Nietzsche critically engaged the very same issues in the formation of his own historical theory. Although there is little direct influence between orthodox Neo-Kantianism and Nietzsche, their comparison on these points will illuminate their unique adaptations of the Kantian tradition.

Eternal recurrence in a Neo-Kantian context

In this essay, I argue that someone who adopted a falsificationism of the sort that I have attributed to Nietzsche would be attracted to the doctrine of eternal recurrence. For Nietzsche, to think the becoming revealed through the senses means falsifying it through being. But the eternal recurrence offers the possibility of thinking becoming without falsification. I then argue that someone who held Nietzsche's falsificationism would see in human agency a conflict between being and becoming similar to that in empirical judgment. In the light of this conflict only the eternal recurrence would offer the possibility of truly affirming life. I end by discussing how this reading of the eternal recurrence solves a number of puzzles that have bedeviled interpreters.

Julkari ja Neo : Julkaisuarkisto osana julkaisuprosessia

Esitys Ajankohtaista julkaisuarkistoista -seminaarissa 14.6.2012

De la sanidad del cuerpo a la sanidad del alma: estudio sobre la lógica de construcción de las identidades colectivas en el neo-pentecostalismo argentino

No presente artigo, o autor se propõe a estudar em grandes traços a lógica de construção das identidades coletivas que se desenvolvem dentro dos grupos evangélicos neo- pentecostais. Para isso analisa a síntese entre religião, psicanálise e auto-ajuda que expressa o discurso de "sanidade interior", desenvolvido no marco de uma igreja evangélica, localizada em um setor de altos ingressos na Cidade de Buenos Aires, Argentina. A teoria da hegemonia de Ernesto Laclau lhe permite analisar o lugar que os significantes flutuantes ocupam no trabalho religioso de construir uma identidade ampla que se nutre de diferentes universos simbólicos no momento de interpelar os sujeitos a partir da teologia da sanidade.

Neo-Timm staining in the thalamus of chronically epileptic rats

The thalamus is an important modulator of seizures and is severely affected in cholinergic models of epilepsy. In the present study, chronically epileptic rats had their brains processed for neo-Timm and acetylcholinesterase two months after the induction of status epilepticus with pilocarpine. Both controls and pilocarpine-treated animals presented neo-Timm staining in the anterodorsal nucleus, laterodorsal nucleus, reticular nucleus, most intralaminar nuclei, nucleus reuniens, and rhomboid nucleus of the thalamus, as well as in the zona incerta. The intensity of neo-Timm staining was similar in control and pilocarpine-treated rats, except for the nucleus reuniens and the rhomboid nucleus, which had a lower intensity of staining in the epileptic group. In animal models of temporal lobe epilepsy, zinc seems to modulate glutamate release and to decrease seizure activity. In this context, a reduction of neo-Timm-stained terminals in the midline thalamus could ultimately result in an increased excitatory activity, not only within its related nuclei, but also in anatomical structures that receive their efferent connections. This might contribute to the pathological substrate observed in chronic pilocarpine-treated epileptic animals.

Kerro viimeinkin, mitä neo-institutionalismi oikein on!

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

Oletko iloinen kuin peipponen? – Persoonallisuusmittari NEO-PI-3:n suomennoksessa, ruotsinnoksessa ja ranskannoksessa käytetyt käännösstrategiat

Yhdysvaltapainotteisen psykologisen tutkimuksen takia psykologiset testit on useimmiten laadittu englanniksi ja amerikkalaiseen kohdekulttuuriin, ja tästä syystä ne pitää kääntää ja adaptoida eurooppalaiseen kohdekulttuuriimme. Tämän pro gradu -tutkielman tarkoituksena oli selvittää, mitä käännösstrategioita Costan ja McCraen (1992) NEO-PI-3-persoonallisuusmittarin suomen-, ruotsin- ja ranskankielisissä käännöksissä on käytetty. Kvalitatiivisessa tarkastelussa eri kieliversioissa esiintyneitä käännösratkaisuja vertailtiin Jan Pedersenin (2007; 2005) käännösstrategialuokitukseen perustuvan luokittelun avulla, jossa strategiat on jaettu lähde- ja kohdetekstiorientoituneisiin ratkaisuihin. Oletin tutkimushypoteesissani, että NEO-PI-3-persoonallisuusmittarin käännöksissä on käytetty enemmän kotouttavia eli kohdetekstiorientoituneita kuin vieraannuttavia eli lähdetekstiorientoituneita strategioita. Oletuksen vastaisesti tutkimustulokset osoittivat, että yleisimmin käytetty strategia oli lähdetekstiuskollinen suora käännös. Suomen- ja ruotsinkielisissä versioissa vieraannuttavia käännösratkaisuja esiintyi myös yhteenlaskettuna kotouttavia ratkaisuja useammin. Hypoteesia tuki kuitenkin tutkimustulos, jonka mukaan persoonallisuusmittarin ranskannoksessa kotouttavia strategioita oli käytetty vieraannuttavia ahkerammin. Yhteenvetona voi sanoa, että käytettyjen strategioiden kirjo oli laaja ja vaihteli tarkasteluun valitsemieni teemojen sisällä sekä kieliversioittain. Monenlaisilla käännösratkaisuilla voidaan saavuttaa käännös, joka on ekvivalentti ja toimiva uudessa kohdekulttuuriympäristössään. Kääntäjät kohdekielen ja -kulttuurin tuntijoina voivat tuoda psykologisten testimetodien kehittelyyn arvokasta asiantuntijuutta tarvittavan psykologisen tietämyksen lisäksi.

Concorrência e mudança técnica: aportes e limites dos modelos neo-schumpeterianos evolucionários de dinâmica industrial

This paper makes a critical survey of some recent evolutionary economic literature dealing with industrial dynamics. Although the evolutionary models of industrial dynamics has explored the relationships among market structure and the innovation process within an analytical context that emphasize non-linearity, behavioral asymmetries and the existence of selective process in the competitive dynamics of markets, have been capable of offering compatible results with industrial organization stylized facts, a lot of limitations in technical change description pointed out have able to alter in a crucial way the results attained.

Liberal versus neo-developmental convention to growth: why has Brazil shown a poor performance since the 1980s?

The main goal of our paper is to provide analytical arguments to explain why Brazil has not been able to restore its long-term capacity for economic growth, especially compared with its economy in the 1950-1979 period (7.3 per cent per year on average) or even with a select number of emerging economies in the 1980-2010 period(6.7 per cent per year on average, against 2.3 per cent per year on average in Brazil in the same period). We build our idea of convention to growth based on the Keynesian concept of convention. For our purposes, this concept could be briefly summarized as the way in which the set of public and private economic decisions related to different objectives, such as how much to produce and invest, how much to charge for products and services, how to finance public and private debt, how to finance research and development, and so on, are indefinitely - or at least until there is no change- carried out by the political, economic and social institutions. This analytical reference can be connected to the Neo-Schumpeterian National Innovation System (NIS) concept, which emphasizes not only institutions associated with science and technology per se, but also the complex interaction among them and other institutions. In this paper we identify two conventions to long-term growth in the last three decades in Brazil: the liberal and the neo-developmental. We show that the poor performance in the Brazilian economy in terms of real GDP growth from the 1980s on can be explained by a weak coordination between short-term macroeconomic policies and long-term industrial and technological policies. This weak coordination, in turn, can be associated with the prevalence of the liberal convention from the 1990s on, which has emphasized price stabilization to the detriment of a neo-developmental strategy whose primary goal is to sustain higher rates of growth and full employment in Brazil.

The neo-liberal state and the crisis of public service broadcasting in the Anglo-American democracies /

The NeO'liberal State and the Crisis ofPublic Service Broadcasting in the Anglo-American Democracies The purpose ofthis analysis ofthe present condition ofpublic service broadcasting in the Anglo- American democracies was to investigate whether such media can still be regarded as the primarypublic spherefor a dialogue between each nation 's civil society and the State. The motivationfor this thesis was based on a presumption that such fora for public discussion on the central issues of each society have become viewed as less relevant bypoliticians andpolicy-makers and thepublics they were intended to serve in the Anglo-American democracies over thepast two decades. It is speculated that this is the case because ofa beliefthat the post-war consensus between the respective States andpublics that led to the construction of the Keynesian Welfare State and the notion ofpublic service broadcasting has been displaced by an individualistic, neo-liberal, laissez-faire ideology. In other words, broadcasting as a consumer-oriented, commercial commodity has superseded concerns pertaining to the importance ofthe public interest. The methodology employed in this thesis is a comparative analysisfrom a criticalpolitical economy perspective. It was considered appropriate to focus on the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada and the\ United States because they comprise the four largest Anglo-American nations with democratic political systems andprimarily market economies. Justificationfor this particular sample is reinforced by thefact that case study countries also share a common socio-political and economic tradition. The evidence assembledfor this thesis consisted almost exclusively ofexisting literature on the subjects ofpublic service broadcasting, global economic andpolitical integration, and the ascendance ofthe 'free-market ' ethos in Western democracies since the late mid- to late-1970s. In essence, this thesis could be considered as a reinterpretation ofthe existing literature relevant to these issues. Several important common features werefound among the political, economic and broadcasting systems of the four case study nations. It is proposed that the prevalence of the neo-liberal world view throughout the political and policy environments of the four countries has undermined the stability and credibility of each nation 's national public service broadcasting organization, although with varying intensity and effect,. Deregulation ofeach nation 's broadcasting system and the supremacy ofthe notion of 'consumer sovereignty' have marginalized the view of broadcasting on any basis other than strictly economic criteria in thefour case study countries. This thesis concludes that,for a reconstruction ofa trulyparticipatory anddemocraticpublicsphere to be realized in the present as well as thefuture, a reassessment ofthe conventional concept ofthe 'public sphere ' is necessary. Therefore, it is recommended that thefocus ofpolicy-makers in each Anglo-American democracy be redirectedfrom that which conceived ofan all-encompassing, large, state-ownedand operated public broadcasting service toward a view which considers alternativeforms ofpublic communication, such as local community and ethnic broadcasting operations, that are likely to be more responsive to the needs of the increasingly diverse and heterogeneous populations that comprise the modem Anglo-American democracies. The traditional conception of public broadcasters must change in accordance with its contemporary environment if the fundamental principles of the public sphere and public service broadcasting are to be realized.

Everything that rises must converge: a neo-Marxist analysis of Canadian business-government relations

The following thesis presents an analysis of business-government relations within a neo-Marxist framework. Specifically, the discussion encompasses how the business interest group. the Business Council on National Issues, maintains consensus and unity amongst its monopoly capital members. Furthermore. the study elaborates on the process through which the group's interests are acknowledged and legitimized by the state under the "public interest" f8fue. Most of the literature pertaining to business-government relations within the context of interactions between business interest groups and the state, and such specific branches of the state as the government and/or the civil service. emphasize a liberal-pluralist perspective. Essentially, these writings serve to reflect and legitimate the current slatus quo. Marxist discourses on the subject, while attempting to transcend the liberal-pluralist framework. nevertheless suffer from either economic determinism .. ie., stressing the state's accumulation function but not its legitimation function or historical specificity. A cogent and comprehensive neo-Marxist analysis of business-government relations must discuss both the accumulation and legitimation functions of the state. The process by which the concerns of a particular business interest group become part of the state's policy agenda and subsequently are formulated and implemented into policies which legitimate its dominance is also studied. This inquiry is significant given the liberal-pluralist assumptions of a neutral state and that all interest groups compete "on a level playing field". The author's neo-Marxist paradigm rejects both of these assumptions. Building on concepts from nea-Marxist instrumentalism. structuralism. state monopoly capitalism, and forms and functions of the state perspectives. the author proposes that policies which legitimize the interests of the monopoly capital fraction cannot. be discerned only from the state's activities. per StJ. Clearly, if the liberal-pluralist 3 contention of multiple and conflicting interest groups, including those within the capitalist class, is taken at face value, M interest group such as the Business Council on National Issues (BCND, must somehow maintain. internal consensus Md unity amongst its members. Internal consensus amongst its members ensures that the state can better acknowledge and articulate its concerns into policies that maintain hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction under the "public interest" fllf.JJdq. The author contends that the BCNI focuses most of its interactions on the upper echelons of the civil service since it is this branch of the state which is most responsible for policy formulation and implementation. The author's paradigm is applied within the context of extensively analyzing newspaper coverage. BCN! publications, and other published sources, as well as a personal interview with an executive administrative member of the BeNI. The discussion focuses on how agreement and unity amongst the various interests of the monopoly capital fraction are maintained through the business organization, its policy scope, and finally its interactions with the state. The analysis suggests that while the civil service is an important player in expressing the interests of the BCNI's membership through policies which ostensibly also reflect the "public interest", it is not the only strategic target for the BCNI's interactions with the state. The author's research also highlights the importance of government officials at the Cabinet level and Cabinet Committees. Senior elected officials from the Federal government are also significant in avoiding intergovernmental or interprovincial conflict in implementing policies that legitimize hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction over other fractions and classes.

Pursuing a Developmental State Trade Agenda in a Neo-Liberal Context

This book explains why it was possible for the Worker’s Party (PT) in Brazil and the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa to pursue a developmental state trade policy, in spite of neoliberal constraints. The major theoretical lenses are three-fold. It applies state theory (macrolevel), policy network analysis (meso-level) and theories on political parties with emphasis on factional politics (micro-level). This book highlights the socio-political relevance of comparatively progressive policy frameworks and expands the debate on how to re-gain national policy space for progressive reform policies even under neoliberal constraints.

Mediterr??neo, bosque amigo

Gu??a did??ctica realizada con motivo de la exposici??n del mismo nombre cuyo objetivo es crear conciencia de la inmensa tarea que nos ata??e a todos los ciudadanos, potenciar el respeto por la naturaleza, su desarrollo y conservaci??n y llegar a un compromiso de toda la sociedad para proteger nuestro bosque como patrimonio natural, el m??s rico de Europa. Concebido en cuatro bloques, el primero 'Bosque Mediterr??neo' aborda un conjunto de aspectos sobre su funcionamiento como ecosistema y sobre las caracter??sticas b??sicas que lo definen: estructura, relaciones con el medio, intercambios, etc. 'El Bosque amigo' resalta los aspectos esenciales en la relaci??n bosque-seres humanos y los usos que hemos obtenido de ??l. 'El Bosque en Peligro' es una peque??a muestra de las consecuencias del desarrollo desequilibrado, de la insostenibilidad de nuestro progreso. El ??ltimo ??mbito, 'La Conservaci??n del Bosque', supone la reacci??n contra el progresivo deterioro.

La neo educaci??n liberal : una visi??n general acerca de las ideas neoliberales sobre educaci??n

Resumen tomado de la publicaci??n