Joaquim Inojosa e o Jornal Meio-Dia (1939-1942)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A distorção do conceito de economia no jornal Folha de São Paulo

The work aims to analyse the concept of economics as the science of scarcity is distorced in the newspaper Folha de Sao Paulo. Neoclassical economists characterize the economy as the science that is concerned with the welfare of the people, satisfying their needs. However, the economy in the newspapers of the mainstream media appears in contexts where only the profit of companies and businesses are addressed, leaving aside the problem of economic inequality, unemployment, working conditions and other issues that are also part of economy, but they are hardly concerns of journalists. In this work, the object of study was the notebook Market and content analysis followed the criteria of Bardin (1977). Ten words were chosen in the category science of scarcity and ten words were chosen in the category science of abundance. From these categories, a careful reading was done, counting how many times each word appeared in the newspaper. Also paid attention to the words that appeared and contexts in which they fell journalistic genre. In a second step, interviews were conducted with journalists from economics to know what they mean by the economy and what the guidelines are more common. Data collection and interviews contributed to the interpretation and confirmation on whether or not the distortion of the concept of economy and how it happens

O pequi no noticiário: análise dos resultados de uma pesquisa na busca do site Folha de S. Paulo

Among the fruit species of the Brazilian Cerrado, the pequi is much popular in regions where it is extracted. Often it used in typical dishes, on the industry medicinal, cosmetic and handmade, also it studied its potential to produce fuel. Thus, this article sought to ponder about the disclosure of this fruit in the press, by means of the search system's site Folha de S. Paulo and applying content analysis, proposed by Bardin, beyond bibliography and documentary research. The justification for this research is that the pequi is a fruit of great importance in the economy and sustainable, yet little is spoken about it in the mainstream media. The result is that, by the analysis, little is said about the pequi media and its focus, is principally, cultural journalism, in culinary.

Direito à informação pela mídia virtual e a sua responsabilidade

Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS

Vidding Grrls. Pratiche di remix audiovisivo nella cultura digitale contemporanea

La pratica del remix è al giorno d’oggi sempre più diffusa e un numero sempre più vasto di persone ha ora le competenze e gli strumenti tecnologici adeguati per eseguire operazioni un tempo riservate a nicchie ristrette. Tuttavia, nella sua forma audiovisiva, il remix ha ottenuto scarsa attenzione a livello accademico. Questo lavoro esplora la pratica del remix intesa al contempo come declinazione contemporanea di una pratica di lungo corso all’interno della storia della produzione audiovisiva – ovvero il riuso di immagini – sia come forma caratteristica della contemporaneità mediale, atto di appropriazione grassroots dei contenuti mainstream da parte degli utenti. La tesi si articola in due sezioni. Nella prima, l’analisi di tipo teorico e storico-critico è suddivisa in due macro-aree di intervento: da una parte il remix inteso come pratica, atto di appropriazione, gesto di riciclo, decontestualizzazione e risemantizzazione delle immagini mediali che ha attraversato la storia dei media audiovisivi [primo capitolo]. Dall’altra, la remix culture, ovvero il contesto culturale e sociale che informa l’ambiente mediale entro il quale la pratica del remix ha conosciuto, nell’ultimo decennio, la diffusione capillare che lo caratterizza oggi [secondo capitolo]. La seconda, che corrisponde al terzo capitolo, fornisce una dettagliata panoramica su un caso di studio, la pratica del fan vidding. Forma di remix praticata quasi esclusivamente da donne, il vidding consiste nel creare fan video a partire da un montaggio d’immagini tratte da film o serie televisive che utilizza come accompagnamento musicale una canzone. Le vidders, usando specifiche tecniche di montaggio, realizzano delle letture critiche dei prodotti mediali di cui si appropriano, per commentare, criticare o celebrare gli oggetti di loro interesse. Attraverso il vidding il presente lavoro indaga le tattiche di rielaborazione e riscrittura dell’immaginario mediale attraverso il riuso di immagini, con particolare attenzione al remix inteso come pratica di genere.

A Historical-Institutional Study of the Welfare Systems in the United States and Sweden: Net Social Wage Approach

In this study I first look at the historical developments of the welfare systems in Sweden and the United States to understand why these countries have produced two distinct systems over the years. After understanding their historical context I turn to the question of the relationship between the welfare system and economic growth. Policy makers and the mainstream media commonly cite the critique that through government deficit and public debt, welfare systems are a drag on the economy. By calculating the net social wage, the difference in taxes paid and benefits received by workers, I test this hypothesis to see if welfare systems are self-financed by the workers. My findings demonstrate that the net social wage has been negative in the U.S. from 1962 to the early 2000s and in Sweden from 1965 to 2012. This shows that the welfare systems are entirely self-financed by the workers for the full period in Sweden and until the recent financial crisis in the U.S.

QUANTIFYING UNCERTAINTY IN GENOTYPE CALLS

Genome-wide association studies (GWAS) are used to discover genes underlying complex, heritable disorders for which less powerful study designs have failed in the past. The number of GWAS has skyrocketed recently with findings reported in top journals and the mainstream media. Mircorarrays are the genotype calling technology of choice in GWAS as they permit exploration of more than a million single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs)simultaneously. The starting point for the statistical analyses used by GWAS, to determine association between loci and disease, are genotype calls (AA, AB, or BB). However, the raw data, microarray probe intensities, are heavily processed before arriving at these calls. Various sophisticated statistical procedures have been proposed for transforming raw data into genotype calls. We find that variability in microarray output quality across different SNPs, different arrays, and different sample batches has substantial inuence on the accuracy of genotype calls made by existing algorithms. Failure to account for these sources of variability, GWAS run the risk of adversely affecting the quality of reported findings. In this paper we present solutions based on a multi-level mixed model. Software implementation of the method described in this paper is available as free and open source code in the crlmm R/BioConductor.

Living with Differences: From Everyday Fundamentalisms to Invitational Communication

This project examines fundamentalism understood as an everyday way of living poorly with difference. It demonstrates that the fundamentalist is not reducible to stereotypes of the terrorist, extremist, irrational madman, or religious zealot. All of these characterizations--common in mainstream media--depict the fundamentalist as them, and rarely, if ever, as us. Rather, this project understands fundamentalism in terms of fundamental interpretive constructs that constrain our ways of being-with others, skew our interpretive and responsive possibilities, distort our perceptions of difference, and affirm our poor treatment of others. Following Martin Heidegger's conception of the hermeneutic structure of existence, this dissertation calls attention to the ways in which such fundamentalisms filter our interpretation. Yet the hermeneutic character of existence also highlights the incompleteness of any particular frame of interpretation and indicates the possibility of alternative interpretive responses. The project turns to a feminist theological hermeneutic in order to indicate more hopeful and liberating ways of living with difference, ways that point beyond everyday fundamentalism toward invitational communication. Through new readings of familiar biblical narratives, this dissertation revisits the fundamentalisms that trigger these narratives in order to draw out an alternative feminist theological hermeneutic, or what is termed here an invitational hermeneutic. Each story offers unique ways of making sense of being-with and sharing the world with others of difference that redress the impoverished and fundamentalist forms of self-preserving care and understanding. By examining the well-loved stories of the Good Samaritan, Ruth and Naomi, Queen Esther, and the Apostle Paul and Lydia, the dissertation identifies interpretive and responsive possibilities that together issue an alternative hermeneutical invitation: to understand difference compassionately, to engage strangers and family members alike with rehabilitative care and concernful reticence, and to extend graceful hospitality to others. In these ways, the dissertation indicates possibilities beyond the horizon of fundamentalism, invitational possibilities of living and communicating with difference.

The 2011 Constitutional reform in Morocco: more flaws than merits. Jean Monnet Occasional Paper No. 07/2014

Introduction. In the speech given to both Houses of Parliament on 11 October 2013 during the first parliamentary session, King Mohammed VI said that the “Moroccan democratic model” was “a precursor in the region as well as on the continental level.”1 Similarly, with the purpose of stressing the “democratic exceptionalism”2 of the country, the new government, led by Abdeilah Benkirane, emphasised that Morocco represents a “third way” compared to countries such as Tunisia, Libya or Egypt since it “…has not embarked on a limited process of reform from the top, driven and controlled by the King. Nor has it experienced a revolution brought a angry citizens rising up against the regime. Rather, it has chosen an alternate path based on a genuine partnership between the King and the PJD (Parti de la justice et du développement) that promises to bring about more far-reaching reform than palace alone would grant, without the disruption caused by uncontrolled popular upheaval.”4 It should not be at all surprising that the regime and the new Government consider Morocco a “democratic model” or a “third way.” After all, they are refe country. What is harder to understand is that when discussing the Arab uprisings, even prominent Western political leaders, representatives of the European Union institutions and the mainstream media (when they do not forget about Morocc to praise the process of democratic reform carried out by Mohammed VI. For example, on 12 September 2012, Hillary Clinton, former US Secretary of State, said, “in many ways, the United States looks to Morocco to be a leader and a model […] On political reform, we have all seen remarkable changes taking place across North Africa and the Middle East. I commend Morocco and your government for your efforts to stay ahead of these changes by holding free and fair elections, empowering the elected parliament, taking other steps to ensure that the government reflects the will of the people.”5 Similarly, former French President Nicolas Sarkozy sang the praises of the process that led to the adoption of the new 2011 Constitution: “King Mohammed VI has shown the path towards a profound, peaceful and modern transformation of Moroccan institutions and society […] France fully supports this exemplary process.” Interestingly enough, even at the European Union level the constitutional reform that took more far-reaching reform than palace alone would grant, without the disruption caused by uncontrolled popular upheaval.”4 It should not be at all surprising that the regime and the new Government consider Morocco a “democratic model” or a “third way.” After all, they are refe country. What is harder to understand is that when discussing the Arab uprisings, even prominent Western political leaders, representatives of the European Union institutions and the mainstream media (when they do not forget about Morocc to praise the process of democratic reform carried out by Mohammed VI. For example, on 12 September 2012, Hillary Clinton, former US Secretary of State, said, “in many ways, the United States looks to Morocco to be a leader and a model […] On political reform, we have all seen remarkable changes taking place across North Africa and the Middle East. I commend Morocco and your government for your efforts to stay ahead of these changes by holding free and fair elections, empowering the elected parliament, taking other steps to ensure that the government reflects the will of the people.”5 Similarly, former French President Nicolas Sarkozy sang the praises of the process that led to the adoption of the new 2011 Constitution: “King Mohammed VI has shown the path towards a profound, peaceful and modern transformation of Moroccan institutions and society […] France fully supports this exemplary process.” Interestingly enough, even at the European Union level the constitutional reform that took place in Morocco was considered an extremely positive step taken by the country, as well as a means to strengthen the cooperation between the EU and Morocco. Indeed, according to the High Representative Catherine Ashton, this reform “constitute[s] a significant response to the legitimate aspirations of the Moroccan people and [is] consistent with Morocco’s Advanced Status with the EU.”7 When it comes to the media, it is worth noting that following the ratification of the 2011 Constitution, The New York Times headlined: “All Hail the (Democratic) King.” Even sections of the academic literature have commended the constitutional reform carried out by the Moroccan Sovereign.9 In this paper I argue against the aforementioned idea, according to which Morocco should be considered a model in the region, and in particular I show that the constitution-making process, the 2011 Constitution and its subsequent implementation have more flaws than merits. Accordingly, this paper proceeds in five steps. First of all, I examine the reaction of the regime to the upheavals that broke out in the country after 20 February 2011. Secondly, I analyse the process of constitution showing its main strengths and weaknesses, and comparing it with other constituent processes that took place in the region following the Arab uprisings. In the third section, I highlight the most significant elements of continuity and discontinuity with the previous 1996 Constitution. The fourth section deals with the process of implementation: specifically process is proceeding quite slowly and that in some cases ordinary legislation is in contrast with the new Constitution and international human rights treaties. Moreover, I discuss the role that the judiciary and the Constitutional Court can play in the implementation and interpretation of the Constitution. Finally, I draw some concluding remarks.

PENSAR A CIBERCULTURA AMBIENTALISTA: Comunicação, mobilização e as estratégias discursivas do Greenpeace Brasil

Nossa Tese postula a existência de uma cibercultura ambientalista, própria do movimento ambiental, que conta com uma dinâmica comunicativa caracterizada por estratégias de discurso e mobilização específicas. O movimento ambiental, aqui representado pela organização de espectro internacional Greenpeace, soube se apropriar das ferramentas digitais, difundir a problemática em um cenário de redes sociais digitais, ciberativismo, interatividade e composição de uma esfera pública em rede, que colocamos em debate. Para entender esse panorama realizamos uma ampla discussão teórica, em permanente diálogo com nosso objeto de estudo, abrangendo a trajetória do ambientalismo e seu lugar enquanto movimento social; as tecnologias da sociabilidade, a Internet e suas mídias como espaço de resistência e controle, assinalando a cibercultura como a própria cultura contemporânea, pautada pelas influências tecnológicas. Realizamos entrevistas com voluntários, seguidores, além de responsáveis pela comunicação do Greenpeace que nos permitiram traçar as motivações da participação e confirmar que o engajamento na causa ambiental foi fortemente impulsionado pelas facilidades do ciberespaço. As estratégias discursivas foram desvendadas com as coordenadas metodológicas da Análise do Discurso, focada na identificação do ethos e das cenas de enunciação, com base em um protocolo de análise que formulamos para compreender a maneira de dizer que leva os sujeitos aderirem maciçamente ao discurso ambiental. Na primeira etapa da análise realizamos diagnóstico de perspectiva quantitativa e caráter exploratório para levantar as campanhas/temáticas principais e avaliar a repercussão dos assuntos nas redes sociais digitais e na mídia convencional. Posteriormente, selecionamos os textos das principais campanhas que passaram pela fase qualitativa, que abarcou os itens lexicais, as técnicas argumentativas e os elementos de destacabilidade, além de aspectos externos ao texto linguístico, como fotos, vídeos, cores e cenas predominantes. O discurso na cibercultura ambiental desvela o ethos do amigo, do parceiro, que oscila entre o drama e a agressividade para chamar atenção à causa. Problemas graves como denúncias ambientais são tratados com um ethos lúdico, até mesmo infantil, usando de linguagem coloquial e de códigos da cultura contemporânea desenhos animados, jogos virtuais, belos animais que cantam e dançam que para os nossos olhos revelam uma cenografia esquizofrênica, mas é justamente o que garante o êxito das campanhas.

COMUNICAÇÃO E CULTURA LOCAL NA RÁDIO COMUNITÁRIA BOA NOVA FM EM SENHORA DE OLIVEIRA, MG

Estudo sobre a Rádio Comunitária Boa Nova FM do município de Senhora de Oliveira-MG, no que se refere às suas configurações e as relações com a comunidade local. Os objetivos são identificar o sistema de funcionamento da rádio comunitária como forma de compreender até que ponto ela se insere no cotidiano oliveirense e articula a movimentação local, sobretudo em períodos eleitorais; averiguar o tipo de informação veiculada; observar o sentimento dos ouvintes em relação à mesma. O estudo se baseia em pesquisa bibliográfica para tecer as teorias e nortear todo o processo de pesquisa e no estudo de caso por meio de procedimentos metodológicos como a pesquisa documental, a pesquisa participante e entrevistas semi-estruturadas, além de uma pesquisa de recepção junto aos ouvintes. Conclui-se que a rádio Boa Nova, que convive harmoniosamente com a comunicação comunitária estabelecida também pelo alto falante, articula de forma simplória a informação e a cultura local em suas práticas, pois há reprodução de conteúdo da mídia convencional, além de não haver uma participação ampla da associação comunitária que é sua mantenedora. Apesar da falta de conhecimento técnico da maioria dos locutores e da relação político partidária presente na emissora, há compatibilidade entre o que a rádio veicula e o interesse dos ouvintes.

MIDIATIZAÇÃO E CIRCULAÇÃO DE SENTIDOS NAS MANIFESTAÇÕES DE JUNHO DE 2013

Os sistemas comunicacionais têm presenciado alterações expressivas desde a chegada da internet, onde os dispositivos participativos crescem a cada dia, fruto do processo cada vez mais evidente de uma sociedade midiatizada. O trabalho aborda o tema das Manifestações de Junho, ocorridas no Brasil, busca evidenciar os tensionamentos do discurso da grande imprensa frente a cobertura da mídia alternativa, reflete quais foram os desdobramentos de uma das principais manifestações que o país já presenciou e analisa a circulação de sentidos nos eventos ocorridos em 2013. Para tanto, combina uma pesquisa bibliográfica e histórica com pesquisa empírica voltada à análise de narrativas das colunas do jornalista Arnaldo Jabor para a Rádio CBN, durante as manifestações, como também de dois comentários em vídeo de Jabor, para o Jornal da Globo, da TV Globo. E para evidenciar o referencial teórico da presente pesquisa, analisou-se um terceiro vídeo, que tem como título La Hipocresia de los Medios, fruto da edição do programa Bajada de Línea, da TV Argentina, que repercute as falas de Arnaldo Jabor, transforma-se literalmente em uma terceira fala, evidenciando a mudança de opinião e confirmando que a midiatização afeta o modelo clássico de comunicação.

Rationales, rhetoric and realities:FIFA’s World Cup in South Africa 2010 and Brazil 2014

The 2010 FIFA World Cup was heralded by mainstream media outlets, the local organisers, the South African government and FIFA as an unequivocal success. The month-long spectacle saw South Africa take centre stage and host the world’s largest single sporting event. This occurred against a backdrop of rationales and promises made that the event would leave lasting legacies for all, in particular marginalised South Africans. The reality is quite different. In this article we consider the South African World Cup in the build up to Brazil 2014. We argue that the rationales and rhetoric are similar in both countries and suggest the reality for Brazil 2014 will be the same as South Africa 2010 in that the mega-event will be primarily funded by significant public investment, while the primary beneficiaries will be private capital and FIFA.

O comportamento eleitoral da nova classe trabalhadora no Rio Grande do Norte 2014: ideologia, avaliação de governo e voto

This thesis investigates the voting behavior of the fractions of the new working class in Rio Grande do Norte, more specifically in the cities of Natal, Mossoró and Caicó, from the presidential election of 2014. This research examined the ideology, the evaluation of government and guidance the vote of a portion of the working classes of RN voters. In Brazil, from 2003, socio-economic change has occurred perceptibly, especially in a part of the working classes who ascended socially and switched to the "C economic class." Thus, there was this period, a significant expansion of this social stratum. The expansion of the "class C" in the past decade in Brazil raised the academic debate and in the media about the emergence of a "new middle class". Neri (2008) termed the "class C" of the "new middle class" and that will be the central part of their studies. But the debate on the "new middle class" can not be simplistic to the point of considering that social mobility, the main variable income, entered this segment of the population in the middle class, because it has different specificities of the popular classes. To understand this phenomenon, the income variable was outdated, adding the importance of ownership of the means of production, control of labor power and the symbolic values in the division of social classes resulting in three fractions of the new working class: the management positions, non-heads and small fighters. In this study, using as a complement to the sociological approach (ideologies and social classes) and the performance evaluation was identified that the new working class (heads) mainly reproduced the ideological and political positioning of the middle class, resulting in the rejection of PT governments (2003-2014) and it’s social, compensatory and redistributive policies. From what has been seen, the new working class (chiefs) approaches the ideological and political behavior of the middle class that will reflect in their electoral choices and class interests. The new working class (not heads and small fighters who voted in the situation) because of its classist and ideological interests approached the Workers' Party positively evaluating the Lula-Dilma governments (2003-2014) due to the implementation of compensatory policies, and redistributive programs government turned to the popular classes. In a counterpoint, the voters of the new working class (not heads and small fighters) who voted null, reproduced the discourse of mainstream media and the middle class about the rejection of compensatory policies, redistribution and government programs of Lula-Dilma governments, and consequently they disapproved of the government Dilma and her candidacy.

MIDIATIZAÇÃO E CIRCULAÇÃO DE SENTIDOS NAS MANIFESTAÇÕES DE JUNHO DE 2013

Os sistemas comunicacionais têm presenciado alterações expressivas desde a chegada da internet, onde os dispositivos participativos crescem a cada dia, fruto do processo cada vez mais evidente de uma sociedade midiatizada. O trabalho aborda o tema das Manifestações de Junho, ocorridas no Brasil, busca evidenciar os tensionamentos do discurso da grande imprensa frente a cobertura da mídia alternativa, reflete quais foram os desdobramentos de uma das principais manifestações que o país já presenciou e analisa a circulação de sentidos nos eventos ocorridos em 2013. Para tanto, combina uma pesquisa bibliográfica e histórica com pesquisa empírica voltada à análise de narrativas das colunas do jornalista Arnaldo Jabor para a Rádio CBN, durante as manifestações, como também de dois comentários em vídeo de Jabor, para o Jornal da Globo, da TV Globo. E para evidenciar o referencial teórico da presente pesquisa, analisou-se um terceiro vídeo, que tem como título “La Hipocresia de los Medios”, fruto da edição do programa Bajada de Línea, da TV Argentina, que repercute as falas de Arnaldo Jabor, transforma-se literalmente em uma terceira fala, evidenciando a mudança de opinião e confirmando que a midiatização afeta o modelo clássico de comunicação.