The Upper Michigan National Forest : jobs, water, lumber, wildlife, recreation, pulp & paper.

Caption title.

The Business and Industry Conference on Inflation; report... September 16, 1974, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; September 19, 1974, Detroit, Michigan.

Cover title.

National problems and Michigan issues. [Paper given at the] 2d annual Michigan Industry-University Research Conference, Detroit, Michigan, October 23, 1963.

Mode of access: Internet.

Mineral industry of Michigan.

Text is a preprint from the U.S. Bureau of Mines' Minerals yearbook.

An analisys of suply and Demand Conditions for Cape Verde´s Banana Industry

Michigan State University

Letter to S.D. Woodruff from J.J.B. at the National Hotel in East Saginaw, Michigan

Letter to S.D. Woodruff from J.J.B. at the National Hotel in East Saginaw, Michigan. The writer informs Mr. Woodruff that there is about 26,000 of first class board pine which was cut. Mr. Woodruff did not give a receipt to Barton and Bro., Jan. 20, 1880.

Letter to S.D. Woodruff from J.J.B. in Saginaw, Michigan.

Letter (1 handwritten, double sided page) to S.D. Woodruff from J.J.B. in Saginaw, Michigan. J.J.B. says that he doesn’t want any money for his information. He explains where the pine is, and encloses a crudely drawn map. He says the Mr. Woodruff can correspond with him, but to please keep this a secret, Jan. 23, 1880.

Letter to S.D. Woodruff from the Office of F. W. Gilchrist

Letter to S.D. Woodruff from the Office of F. W. Gilchrist, Manufacturer of and Dealer in Norway and White Pine Lumber Timber Lath and Shingles, Alpena, Michigan. F. W. Gilchrist would like to be informed of the offer and terms of payment for berth 192. He says that they own lands on that river, but are desirous of owning more, Feb. 5, 1881.

Decentralized or centralized production : impacts to the environment, industry, and the economy

Since product take-back is mandated in Europe, and has effects for producers worldwide including the U.S., designing efficient forward and reverse supply chain networks is becoming essential for business viability. Centralizing production facilities may reduce costs but perhaps not environmental impacts. Decentralizing a supply chain may reduce transportation environmental impacts but increase capital costs. Facility location strategies of centralization or decentralization are tested for companies with supply chains that both take back and manufacture products. Decentralized and centralized production systems have different effects on the environment, industry and the economy. Decentralized production systems cluster suppliers within the geographical market region that the system serves. Centralized production systems have many suppliers spread out that meet all market demand. The point of this research is to help further the understanding of company decision-makers about impacts to the environment and costs when choosing a decentralized or centralized supply chain organizational strategy. This research explores; what degree of centralization for a supply chain makes the most financial and environmental sense for siting facilities; and which factories are in the best location to handle the financial and environmental impacts of particular processing steps needed for product manufacture. This research considered two examples of facility location for supply chains when products are taken back; the theoretical case involved shoe resoling and a real world case study considered the location of operations for a company that reclaims multiple products for use as material inputs. For the theoretical example a centralized strategy to facility location was optimal: whereas for the case study a decentralized strategy to facility location was best. In conclusion, it is not possible to say that a centralized or decentralized strategy to facility location is in general best for a company that takes back products. Each company’s specific concerns, needs, and supply chain details will determine which degree of centralization creates the optimal strategy for siting their facilities.

Balancing wildlife and bioenergy values on private forestlands in the eastern Upper Peninsula of Michigan

There is interest in developing a reliable, sustainable, domestic U.S. biofuels industry. A domestic biofuels industry has the potential to provide economic, environmental, and national security benefits on a local, regional, national, and global level. The Mascoma Corporation plans to develop a cellulosic ethanol facility in Michigan’s eastern Upper Peninsula. The primary feedstock of the plant site would be trees sourced within a 150 mile supply radius. In the eastern Upper Peninsula, this radius encompasses Alger, Chippewa, Delta, Luce, Mackinac, and Schoolcraft counties. In these six counties there are 1,320,500 acres of NIPF (non-industrial private forestlands). These acres account for 40% of the total timberland in these six counties. Thus it is likely that in order for the successful implementation of a cellulosic ethanol facility the support of local NIPF owners will be necessary. This thesis presents research on how eastern Upper Peninsula forest landowners think about and manage their land. It is based on 48 in-depth interviews with these landowners. The goal was to determine how landowner values and beliefs, on a variety of issues including wildlife management, land management, biofuels development, and climate change, are expressed through both their current management decisions, and possibly their future land management decisions. Some of the values articulated by the landowners in this study included biodiversity protection, conservation of healthy game populations, and the production of high-value timber. Understanding the values and beliefs of landowners in the eastern Upper Peninsula of Michigan is critical for successfully developing a sustainable regional woody bioenergy.

Our Lives, Our Thoughts and Our Allegiance: New Immigrants and American Industry in 1914

Through comparative analysis of the immigrant labor forces at work in iron mining in northern Minnesota, coal mining in Illinois, and steel milling in the Calumet region of Chicago and Gary, this paper addresses the forms of social distance separating and marginalizing new immigrants from American society and trade unionism that existed in 1914, the year that marked the end point of mass immigration from Eastern and Southern Europe. The “new immigration” was a labor migration that congregated its subjects overwhelmingly in what were called "unskilled" or "semi-skilled" forms of labor. Skilled work was largely, with certain variations, the preserve of "American" or old immigrant workers. This labor gulf separating new immigrants and American workers was hardened by a spatial separateness. New immigrants often lived in what have been called industrial villages—the mining town or location, the factory neighborhood— striking in their isolation and insularity from mainstream society. This separateness and insularity became a major preoccupation for corporate managers, Progressive reformers, and for American trade unions as new immigrants began to engage in major labor struggles leading up to 1914. But among the three industries, only the union of coal miners, the United Mine Workers, enjoyed success in organizing the new immigrants. In the steel mills and the iron mines, the unions were either rooted out or failed to gain a foothold at all. The explanation for these differences is to be found in the different forms of industrial development among the industries studied.

Reuse of fermentation brines in the cucumber pickling industry /

Mode of access: Internet.

Occupational employment survey booklet of definitions : lumber, wood, furniture and fixtures industries.

"BLS-2877 224."