Ocupantes y propietarios durante la expansión de la frontera en la provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1780-1860

A partir de la fundación de la ciudad de Buenos Aires en el siglo XVI, la ocupación del espacio provincial se realizó a expensas de las tribus autóctonas que habitaban las regiones pampeana y patagónica. Desde fines del siglo XVIII, y durante todo el XIX, la población hispano-criolla realizó sucesivos avances para incorporar estas tierras a la estructura productiva que se vinculaba al mercado internacional. En este trabajo analizamos la cuestión de la ocupación sin títulos de la tierra como un problema persistente en esa frontera que se expandía. Para ello hemos focalizado nuestro estudio en dos momentos y lugares diferentes: Chascomús (1780-1838) y Bragado (1846-1860). Estos casos nos permiten demostrar la permanencia de los establecimientos productivos sin respaldo legal a medida que se fueron cerrando las posibilidades de acceder a la propiedad plena de la tierra, insistiendo en que la primitiva ocupación y la posterior legalización del dominio fueron dos procesos permanentes, complementarios y conflictivos hasta fines del siglo XIX

Ocupantes y propietarios durante la expansión de la frontera en la provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1780-1860

A partir de la fundación de la ciudad de Buenos Aires en el siglo XVI, la ocupación del espacio provincial se realizó a expensas de las tribus autóctonas que habitaban las regiones pampeana y patagónica. Desde fines del siglo XVIII, y durante todo el XIX, la población hispano-criolla realizó sucesivos avances para incorporar estas tierras a la estructura productiva que se vinculaba al mercado internacional. En este trabajo analizamos la cuestión de la ocupación sin títulos de la tierra como un problema persistente en esa frontera que se expandía. Para ello hemos focalizado nuestro estudio en dos momentos y lugares diferentes: Chascomús (1780-1838) y Bragado (1846-1860). Estos casos nos permiten demostrar la permanencia de los establecimientos productivos sin respaldo legal a medida que se fueron cerrando las posibilidades de acceder a la propiedad plena de la tierra, insistiendo en que la primitiva ocupación y la posterior legalización del dominio fueron dos procesos permanentes, complementarios y conflictivos hasta fines del siglo XIX

The Work of the Task Force to Implement Amendment 64: A Case Study

This short essay – taken from a keynote address given at the University of Denver’s Marijuana at the Crossroads Conference – describes the dynamics of marijuana law and policy in the United States with a particular eye toward the federalism implications of marijuana legalization in the states. The essay discusses the history of marijuana regulation in the United States, sets forth a number of possible scenarios going forward, and makes a few, tentative predictions about the future.

Why Do Some International Institutions Contain Strong Dispute Settlement Provisions: New Evidence from Preferential Trade Agreements

To understand why some international institutions have stronger dispute settlement mechanisms (DSMs) than others, we investigate the dispute settlement provisions of nearly 600 preferential trade agreements (PTAs), which possess several desirable case-selection features and are evoked more than is realized. We broaden the study of dispute settlement design beyond “legalization” and instead reorient theorizing around a multi-faceted conceptualization of the strength of DSMs. We posit that strong DSMs are first and foremost a rational response to features of agreements that require stronger dispute settlement, such as depth and large memberships. Multivariate empirical tests using a new data set on PTA design confirm these expectations and reveal that depth – the amount of policy change specified in an agreement – is the most powerful and consistent predictor of DSM strength, providing empirical support to a long-posited but controversial conjecture. Yet power also plays a sizeable role, since agreements among asymmetric members are more likely to have strong DSMs due to their mutual appeal, as are those involving the United States. Important regional differences also emerge, as PTAs across the Americas are designed with strong dispute settlement, as are Asian PTAs, which contradicts the conventional wisdom about Asian values and legalization. Our findings demonstrate that rationalism explains much of international institutional design, yet it can be enhanced by also incorporating power-based and regional explanations.

No pain, no gain? Torture and ethics in the war on terror

Is the use of torture ever justified? This article argues that torture cannot be justified, even in so called ticking bomb cases, but that in such extreme situations it may be necessary. In those situations, judgements about whether the use of torture is legitimate must balance the imminence and gravity of the threat with the need to prevent future occurrences of torture and maintain a normative environment that is hostile to its use. The article begins by observing that the use of torture and/or cruel and degrading treatment has become a core component of the global war on terror. It tests the claim that the use of coercive interrogation techniques does not constitute torture, showing that similar arguments were levelled by both the British and French governments in relation to Northern Ireland and Algeria respectively and found wanting. It then evaluates and rejects Dershowitz's claim for the legalization of torture and the more limited claim that torture may be permissible in ticking bomb scenarios. In the final section, the article questions how we might maintain the prohibition on torture while acknowledging that it may be necessary in some hypothetical cases.

SER DOCENTE: UM ESTUDO SOBRE AS REPRESENTAÇÕES SOCIAIS DE ENFERMEIROS QUE ATUAM COMO PROFESSORES NO ENSINO TÉCNICO DE ENFERMAGEM

A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo investigar as representações sociais de ser docente do professor enfermeiro que atua no Ensino Técnico em enfermagem e cursou Pós-Graduação com ênfase pedagógica, exigido pelo MEC a partir de janeiro de 2008. A fundamentação teórica da pesquisa foi norteada pelo conceito de Representação Social enunciado por Sèrge Moscovici (1978) e mediado por Denise Jodelet (1984) e Mary Jane Spink (2004). Foram tecidas considerações sobre o ensino de enfermagem dentro do quadro da educação brasileira, evidenciando a legalização do ensino técnico no contexto socioeconômico e político do país que regulamentou o ensino técnico de enfermagem. Também foram descritas as últimas exigências feitas pelo Ministério da Educação e pelo Conselho Regional de Enfermagem sobre o exercício da docência no ensino técnico. A coleta de dados foi possível por meio de entrevistas semi-estruturadas, realizadas com 07 professores enfermeiros egressos do curso de Pós-Graduação com ênfase pedagógica. Foi utilizada a abordagem qualitativa centrada na análise de conteúdo dando voz aos sujeitos da pesquisa. Os resultados revelaram que as representações sociais sobre o ser docente da população-alvo foram ancoradas na perspectiva de transmitir os conteúdos curriculares e morais, porém, tentaram se afastar da idéia do paradigma tradicional do professor que só transmite conhecimento. Os resultados também evidenciaram que o curso de Pós-Graduação com ênfase pedagógica contribuiu com os professores enfermeiros da pesquisa para o processo de construção e reconstrução do ser docente. As representações sociais dos professores deste estudo revelaram, por último, a satisfação em ser docente atrelada à idéia de felicidade em exercer as atividades docentes, o que não deixou de lado a forte presença da profissão de enfermeiro.

Human Security and Crime in Latin America: The political Capital and Political Impact of Criminal Groups and Belligerents Involved in Illicit Economies

Organized crime and illegal economies generate multiple threats to states and societies. But although the negative effects of high levels of pervasive street and organized crime on human security are clear, the relationships between human security, crime, illicit economies, and law enforcement are highly complex. By sponsoring illicit economies in areas of state weakness where legal economic opportunities and public goods are seriously lacking, both belligerent and criminal groups frequently enhance some elements of human security of the marginalized populations who depend on illicit economies for basic livelihoods. Even criminal groups without a political ideology often have an important political impact on the lives of communities and on their allegiance to the State. Criminal groups also have political agendas. Both belligerent and criminal groups can develop political capital through their sponsorship of illicit economies. The extent of their political capital is dependent on several factors. Efforts to defeat belligerent groups by decreasing their financial flows through suppression of an illicit economy are rarely effective. Such measures, in turn, increase the political capital of anti-State groups. The effectiveness of anti-money laundering measures (AML) also remains low and is often highly contingent on specific vulnerabilities of the target. The design of AML measures has other effects, such as on the size of a country’s informal economy. Multifaceted anti-crime strategies that combine law enforcement approaches with targeted socio-economic policies and efforts to improve public goods provision, including access to justice, are likely to be more effective in suppressing crime than tough nailed-fist approaches. For anti-crime policies to be effective, they often require a substantial, but politically-difficult concentration of resources in target areas. In the absence of effective law enforcement capacity, legalization and decriminalization policies of illicit economies are unlikely on their own to substantially reduce levels of criminality or to eliminate organized crime. Effective police reform, for several decades largely elusive in Latin America, is one of the most urgently needed policy reforms in the region. Such efforts need to be coupled with fundamental judicial and correctional systems reforms. Yet, regional approaches cannot obliterate the so-called balloon effect. If demand persists, even under intense law enforcement pressures, illicit economies will relocate to areas of weakest law enforcement, but they will not be eliminated.

Regulating Casino Gaming: A Checklist for States Considering It

In his essay - Regulating Casino Gaming: A Checklist for States Considering It – by Leonard E. Goodall, Professor of Management and Public Administration, College of Business and Econornics, University of Nevada, Las Vegas, Professor Goodall initially states: “Since various states are likely to continue to debate the issue of the establishment of legal casinos, and since states considering legal casinos must also decide how best to regulate them, the author discusses the similarities and contrasts in the regulatory systems already in operation.” Certainly not all states have solicited casino gaming, or what people generally refer to as gambling, but many have and the list is growing. If casinos are to be, and indications are that many more states will endorse gaming as a source of revenue, then regulating them must follow as a matter of due course says the author. Keep in mind this essay was written in 1988, and the actuality of casino gaming has indeed come to fruition in many states. “Nevada, having legalized casino gaming in 1931, has over a half-century of experience with the regulatory process,” Professor Goodall informs. “When New Jersey approved the establishment of casinos in Atlantic City in 1976, state officials studied the Nevada system carefully and adopted many of Nevada's procedures.” Professor Goodall bullet-points at least 7 key elements that states wanting to pursue gaming should, or in the cases of Nevada and New Jersey, have already addressed in regard to regulation of the industry. Goodall parses, in more detail, those essentials. The ultimate form of regulation is ownership Goodall says. Either state run, or private are the logical options. “The arguments for private ownership have been both pragmatic and political,” Goodall says. “Legislators, like the general public, are skeptical of the ability of state bureaucracies to run big businesses in an efficient manner. Many of them also believe regulation can be more effective if there is at least an arm's-length distance between regulation and ownership,” the professor opines. Additionally important to consider is the purpose of legalization, says Goodall. Are the proceeds earmarked for general funds, or to be used specifically? Geographic considerations are key, Goodall points out. “This decision will depend partly on a state's reasons for having casinos in the first place,” he expands. “New Jersey's policy, for example, is obviously consistent with its goal of using casinos to reinvigorate Atlantic City.” “In both states, one of the most important functions of the regulatory agencies is that of licensing, the process of investigating individuals or organizations and then authorizing them to participate in the gaming business,” Goodall provides. In closing, Goodall says there is no need for ensuing states to reinvent the wheel when it comes to casino gaming regulation. Nevada and New Jersey already provide two good designs from which to emulate and/or build upon.

Eu tenho os meus direitos: análise de audiências de conciliação em um JECRIM de Natal

This research aims at examining, within the scope of Legal Anthropology, the constitution processes of Criminal Small-Claims Courts-JECRIMs in Brazil seeks to discuss, from the making of ethnographic work, the relationship between forms and dynamics of Justice distribution both at national and local level. To do so, one performed an ethnography at a JECRIM in the city of Natal, analyzing resulting peculiarities arising from the works the Judge-Coordinator and all of the other Judicial Actors in order to bring to reality the proposals of Law 9.099/95. Such ethnography has also enabled the analysis of the interactions between both Judicial Actors and Claimants, with or without private attorneys. The theoretical framework included several topics, including processes of conflict legalization, performance and representation analysis, and relationships between law, morality, feeling and ritual. One sought to a critical reading of the current state of conciliation and mediation, taking into account both legal and theoretical parameters on the subject. At the end, a general guideline of State action in conflict management is drawn, revealing some aporias and contradictions when voluntary processes are made mandatory by the State-Punisher.

Direitos fundamentais sociais no Brasil: desafios e mecanismos para sua concretização

The work referred to above, in order to contribute to the legal issues, economic, political and social of the violation of social rights, performs even firmer approach to various implementation mechanisms of social rights in Brazil. Therefore, it begins the study dealing with aspects and important characters of the rights under discussion, as its normative forecast, concept, classifications; respect of social rights with the existential minimum; the principle of reservation of the possible and the need to use this principle as optimization commandment of state resources and the deficit of the realization of social rights in the country. This, in later chapters, in an interdisciplinary approach, challenges and proposals for the realization of social rights by bringing in each chapter, mechanisms for such implementation. That way, as a general objective, it has been to contribute to the discussed problems, when present proposals for the realization of social rights in the Brazilian context. As specific objectives, as well as record the key aspects of the rights in allusion, the one has to promote the perspective of economic development and taxation as posts instruments that the State must be focused on the promotion of social rights by registering in this context that nonexistent economic development without reducing poverty, misery and social inequality and adding that there should be a directly proportional relationship between the tax burden in the country and the human and social development index; analyze the achievement of budget control as essential and healthy measure for the realization of social rights; highlight the importance of society to the achievement of unavailable social interests, affirming the need for the implementation of participatory democracy and, in this line, brings knowledge of the Constitution and the constitutional sense as elements that provide the constitutional progress. Finally, it presents a study on public policies, considering that these are equivalent to the primary means of the promotion of social rights. That way it analyzes the stages that integrate public policies, ranging from the perception of social problems for evaluation and control of the policies implemented; debate about the administrative discretion in when it comes to public policies; brings the classification of essential public policies, the relationship of these with the existential minimum, control parameters and, finally, the legalization of public policy, regarded as legitimate to remedy the unconstitutional state failure and give normative effectiveness and strength to the defining constitutional rules for fundamental social rights. It uses to achieve the objectives outlined, the bibliographic and normative approach method and performs an analysis of jurisprudence related understandings to matter. In the conclusions, it rescues the most important aspects elucidated at work, with the aim of giving emphasis to the proposals and mechanisms that contribute to the solution of the discussed problems.

The Impact of Marijuana Use on Memory in Patients with HIV/AIDS

The most robust neurocognitive effect of marijuana use is memory impairment. Memory deficits are also high among persons living with HIV/AIDS, and marijuana use among this population is disproportionately common. Yet research examining neurocognitive outcomes resulting from co-occurring marijuana and HIV is virtually non-existent. The primary aim of this case-controlled study was to identify patterns of neurocognitive impairment among HIV patients who used marijuana compared to HIV patients who did not use drugs by comparing the groups on domain T-scores. Participants included 32 current marijuana users and 37 non-drug users. A comprehensive battery assessed substance use and neurocognitive functioning. Among the full sample, marijuana users performed significantly worse on verbal memory tasks compared to non-drug users and significantly better on attention/working memory tasks. A secondary aim of this study was to test whether the effect of marijuana use on memory was moderated by HIV disease progression, but these models were not significant. This study also examined whether the effect of marijuana use was differentially affected by marijuana use characteristics, finding that earlier age of initiation was associated with worse memory performance. These findings have important clinical implications, particularly given increased legalization of this drug to manage HIV infection.

PCE, Santiago Carrillo: enero de 1977 o el giro sacrificial de la Transición

La Transición española a la democracia ha sido objeto de uno de los más sólidos relatos construidos por el periodismo y refrendado por la sociedad civil. En su corazón tiene lugar un momento de violencia que se concentra en la llamada semana negra de enero de 1977, cuyo clímax está representado por la matanza de Atocha. El presente artículo analiza las distintas etapas de cristalización de ese relato: un capítulo de La Transición (Elías Andrés, Victoria Prego, 1995), Siete días de enero (J.A. Bardem, 1978), un reportaje de Interviú (febrero de 1977) y las crónicas periodísticas de El País, Diario16 y Mundo Obrero. Especial atención se presta a la figura de Santiago Carrillo, identificado con la estrategia del PCE, cuya consideración cambió radicalmente durante esa semana.

Let's put in order the accounting records and annual accounts of the agrarian processing companies

The substantive legislation on which Agricultural Processing Companies is based has some notable gaps with regard to the pertinent accounting system. There are grey areas concerning compulsory accounting records and their legalization, together with the process for drawing up, checking, approving and depositing the annual accounts.Consequently, in this paper, we will look first at the corporate and accounting records for Agricultural Processing Companies, putting forward proposals in the wake of recent legislation on the legalization of generally applied corporate and accounting documents.A critical analysis will also be made of the entire process of drafting, auditing, approving and depositing the annual accounts and other documents that Agricultural Processing Companies must send each year to their respective regional registries. Legal and mercantile registries will be differentiated from administrative ones and, in this last sense, changes will be suggested with regard to the place and objective of the deposit of such documents.After thirty-four years old, the substantive legislation in economic and accounting matters of the SAT is out of step with the current law, so a review is necessary. Recent regional regulations have not been a real breakthrough in this regard. We assert the existence of a gap between the substantive rules of the SAT and general accounting rules on financial statements, which is unsustainable and it needs a quick legislative action to be canceled.

El PCE y el movimiento comunista internacional (1969-1977)

El artículo se centra en la actividad internacional del Partido Comunista de España (PCE) desde las secuelas de la represión de la Primavera de Praga hasta 1977. Fue un período caracterizado por el principio del declive definitivo del movimiento comunista internacional. El análisis abarca múltiples cuestiones. Examina las crecientes críticas del PCE hacia el modelo soviético, y sus repercusiones en las relaciones entre el partido liderado por Santiago Carrillo y el movimiento comunista. Además, el artículo explora el intento del PCE de promover un nuevo tipo de internacionalismo en Europa occidental, auspiciando una renovada colaboración entre comunistas y socialistas y aprovechando las condiciones brindadas por la distensión. En este contexto tuvo lugar el surgimiento del eurocomunismo, que el ensayo analiza ilustrando los factores internos y externos que determinaron su crisis en la segunda mitad de los setenta.