831 resultados para International Labour Organisation.


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L’objectif de cette étude consiste à déterminer si les conventions de l’Organisation internationale du travail (OIT) sont effectives en ce qui concerne l’éradication du travail des enfants en Mauritanie. Cette effectivité est appréciée en mesurant la réception juridique et la réception sociale en Mauritanie de la Convention 29 sur le travail forcé, de la Convention 138 sur l’âge minimum d’admission à l’emploi et de la Convention 182 sur les pires formes de travail des enfants. La réception juridique des conventions est mesurée par un examen de l’intégration de leurs dispositions dans le droit national mauritanien. La réception juridique comprend également l’appréciation du contrôle du respect des conventions en territoire mauritanien. La réception sociale fait référence, quant à elle, aux stratégies de mise en œuvre des conventions de l’OIT par le Gouvernement mauritanien à travers ses programmes et ses politiques. Notre analyse démontre que l’effectivité des Conventions 29, 138 et 182 de l’OIT en ce qui concerne l’éradication du travail des enfants en Mauritanie est, selon nous, partielle. Dans l’ensemble, la situation tend à s’améliorer et le Gouvernement mauritanien tente de respecter l’esprit de ces conventions et de leur faire écho dans le droit national. Toutefois, il n’existe pas beaucoup d’information sur l’impact des programmes mis en place pour éradiquer le travail des enfants.

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De l’avis de nombreux observateurs, le monde a connu en 2008 une crise économique sans précédent depuis la Grande dépression des années trente. Au premier chef des victimes de ces dérives de l’économie globale figurent les travailleurs du monde entier. Investie depuis 1919 d’un mandat de protection à l’égard de ces derniers, l’Organisation internationale du Travail (OIT) se doit d’être une force de propositions en ces périodes difficiles. La présente étude se propose d’analyser l’évolution des réponses normatives produites par l’OIT au lendemain des crises économiques et financières mondiales depuis sa création. Il s’agira également de mettre en corrélation le degré d’audace de l’Organisation et la composition de la scène internationale qui préside à chacune des époques considérées. Le premier chapitre sera pour nous l’occasion de montrer comment l’OIT, née dans un contexte de crise économique dans les années vingt puis confrontée en 1930 à une autre crise majeure, a su tirer profit de ces situations qui confirment sa raison d’être et la pousse à s’enquérir de nouvelles compétences (chapitre I). Nous ferons ensuite étape dans une époque marquée par la prolifération de nouvelles organisations internationales avec lesquelles l’OIT entre en concurrence : l’ère onusienne. Nous verrons comment la position de l’Organisation sur la scène internationale influe sur sa réactivité face aux crises économiques et politiques du moment (chapitre II). Forts de ces considérations historiques, nous serons enfin à même de comprendre la souplesse normative caractérisant la réaction de l’OIT face à la crise de 2008. Nous serons également en mesure de comprendre comment cette crise historique a modifié l’ordre mondial et influé sur la position de l’Organisation dans l’agencement international (chapitre III).

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Les relations de travail et d'emploi sont devenues des enjeux importants en Chine. La Chine a ratifié 25 conventions internationales du travail et a travaillé en étroite collaboration avec l'OIT pour améliorer la sécurité et la santé au travail. Malgré ces efforts, la Chine est souvent critiquée pour des violations du travail. Face à ces problèmes, un système législatif d'administration de travail a été développé au niveau national. Mais l’application de ces règlements demeure problématique.. En particulier, les difficultés rencontrées par les inspecteurs du travail dans l'application de ces lois constituent un élément clé du problème. Notre mémoire s'intéresse essentiellement au rôle de l'inspecteur du travail dans l'administration publique de la sécurité du travail en Chine. Ces fonctionnaires jouent un rôle important et peuvent parfois exercer leur discrétion en tant qu'acteurs de première ligne, faisant d'eux de vrais décideurs politiques. Par conséquent, la compréhension de leur rôle et de leur discrétion dans l'application des normes du travail en Chine est cruciale. Notre mémoire est centré sur une étude de cas qualitative d'un bureau d'inspection du travail dans la région de Beijing. Dans le cadre de notre recherche nous avons examiné le rôle des inspecteurs du travail au moyen d’entretiens semi-structurés, d’une recherche documentaire ainsi qu’à l’occasion d’une brève observation des inspecteurs sur lors de la visite d’un lieu de travail. Les résultats démontrent que la définition du pouvoir discrétionnaire des inspecteurs du travail de première ligne en Chine est un enjeu très complexe. L’étude de cas permet cependant d’élaborer un cadre permettant l’identification des facteurs critiques déterminants pour l'évaluation et la compréhension de la nature du pouvoir discrétionnaire de l'inspecteur du travail en application de la loi.

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Globalisation has many facets and its impact on labour is one of the most significant aspects.Though its influence is worldwide,it is much more significant in a transforming economy like India.The right of workers to social security is seen recognised under the Constitution of India and other welfare legislations.But,after adoption of the new economic policy of liberalisation and privatisation by the Government of India,the labour is exposed to new set of challenges.They are posed mainly due to economic restructuring affected in employment relationship,coupled with the increase in unprotected informal labour force.This study is an attempt to analyse the new challenges stemming up in employment relation,efficacy of the existing measures for social security of labour in the present economic condition and the suggestions for securing workers'right to social security in the trade regime.

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Los efectos nocivos que el capitalismo financiero y la globalización han tenido sobre los equilibrios sociales y económicos están estrechamente relacionados con los argumentos conceptuales que, como una llamada de atención, han llegado a las corporaciones y las empresas por la responsabilidad social corporativa. Sin embargo, el modelo construido en torno a la acumulación de capital y beneficios han planteado una relación simbiótica en la que ellos mismos son el recurso y el fin de su propia existencia, dando lugar a tensiones estructurales que anula las alternativas de ser sostenible y socialmente responsable al mismo tiempo. El camino que enfrentamos como sociedad, como empresas y como modelo económico sostenible se basa en el trabajo conjunto y los cambios en la manera de abordar el mercado.

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El propósito básico de esta investigación es identificar los desajustes (déficits o superávits) no estructurales entre la oferta y demanda de trabajo en Colombia para los años 2020 y 2030, así como interpretar los hallazgos y proponer elementos de estrategia para las empresas a fin de mitigar los efectos adversos del desajuste sobre su capacidad para atraer y retener talento. El argumento central del proyecto consiste en sostener que en un escenario no mayor a los 10 años la oferta de trabajo calificado en Colombia no será suficiente para (i) equilibrar el mercado y (ii) atender la demanda agregada de trabajo, debido a los cambios generacionales en la realidad demográfica del país, el bajo nivel de preparación de la fuerza laboral disponible y los altos índices de informalidad de los trabajadores y las empresas. Dentro de los resultados se presenta una proyección del comportamiento del mercado de trabajo, así como la magnitud del desequilibrio entre los agentes del mercado. Este estudio aplicado es una propuesta cuantitativa de aproximación a la crisis de talento que se revisa en otros estudios. Es un precedente sólido para profundizar con otros enfoques el futuro del trabajo en Colombia.

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This paper describes the EU-EFIGE/Bruegel-UniCredit dataset (in short the EFIGE dataset), a database recently collected within the EFIGE project (European Firms in a Global Economy: internal policies for external competitiveness) supported by the Directorate General Research of the European Commission through its 7th Framework Programme and coordinated by Bruegel. • The database, for the first time in Europe, combines measures of firms’ international activities (eg exports, outsourcing, FDI, imports) with quantitative and qualitative information on about 150 items ranging from R&D and innovation, labour organisation, financing and organisational activities, and pricing behaviour. Data consists of a representative sample (at the country level for the manufacturing industry) of almost 15,000 surveyed firms (above 10 employees) in seven European economies (Germany, France, Italy, Spain, United Kingdom, Austria, Hungary). Data was collected in 2010, covering the years from 2007 to 2009. Special questions related to the behaviour of firms during the crisis were also included in the survey. • We illustrate the construction and usage of the dataset, capitalising on the experience of researchers who have exploited the data within the EFIGE project. Importantly, the document also reports a comprehensive set of validation measures that have been used to assess the comparability of the survey data with official statistics. A set of descriptive statistics describing the EFIGE variables within (and across) countries and industries is also provided.

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The employment situation in Latin America and the Caribbean is a twice-yearly report prepared jointly by the Economic Development Division of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the Subregional Office for the South Cone of Latin America of the International Labour Organization (ILO). Strong job creation and wage gains have proved to be a key factors in reducing poverty —quite substantially— in our region over the past decade. Together with the implementation of innovative social policies, the narrowing of wage gaps has played a fundamental role in reducing inequality between households. The success of these two processes —reducing poverty and inequality— count among the most important achievements of this period. In the past few years, however, the fight against poverty has noticeably lost momentum,1 showing the extent to which job creation has been hit by the recent economic slowdown.

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Although the economies of Latin America and the Caribbean grew more slowly in 2011 than in 2010, there were some improvements on the employment front. Workers benefited from the region’s satisfactory economic performance in an increasingly complex international setting. The unemployment rate fell from 7.3% in 2010 to 6.7% in 2011 thanks to a halfpercentage- point gain in the urban employment rate. Both rates are at levels that have not been seen for a long time. The proportion of formal jobs with social benefits rose as well, and underemployment declined. The average wage and the minimum wage both increased in real terms, albeit only moderately. Economic performance and the employment situation varied widely among the subregions. The unemployment rate dropped by 0.6 percentage points in South America but 0.4 percentage points in the countries of the northern part of Latin America. In the countries of the Caribbean, the employment rate was up by 0.2 percentage points. The data show that substantial labour market gaps and serious labour-market insertion issues remain. This is especially the case for women and young people, for whom unemployment rates and other labour indicators are still unfavourable. The second part of this report looks at whether the fruits of economic growth and rising productivity have been distributed equitably between workers and companies. Between 2002 and 2008 (the most recent expansionary economic cycle), wages as a percentage of GDP fell in 13 of the 21 countries of the region for which data are available and rose in just 8. This points to redistribution that is unfavourable to workers, which is worrying in a region which already has the most unequal distribution of income in the world. Underlying this trend is the fact that, worldwide, wages have grown less than productivity. Beyond the ethical dimension of this issue, it jeopardizes the social and economic sustainability of growth. For example, one of the root causes of the recent financial crisis was that households in the United States responded to declining wage income by borrowing more to pay for consumption and housing. This turned out to be unsustainable in the long run. Over time, it undermines the labour market’s contribution to the efficient allocation of resources and its distributive function, too, with negative consequences for democratic governance. Among the triggers of this distributive worsening most often cited in the global debate are market deregulation and its impact on financial globalization, technological change that favours capital over labour, and the weakening of labour institutions. What is needed here is a public policy effort to help keep wage increases from lagging behind increases in productivity. Some countries of the region, especially in South America, saw promising developments during the second half of the 2000s in the form of a positive trend reversal in wages as a percentage of GDP. One example is Brazil, where a minimum wage policy tailored to the dynamics of the domestic market is considered to be one of the factors behind an upturn in the wage share of GDP. The region needs to grow more and better. Productivity must grow at a steady pace, to serve as the basis for sustained improvements in the well-being of the populace and to narrow the gap between the economies of Latin America and the Caribbean and the more advanced economies. And inequality must be decreased; this could be achieved by closing the productivity gap between upgraded companies and the many firms whose productivity is low. As set out in this report, the region made some progress between 2002 and 2010, with labour productivity rising at the rate of 1.5% a year. But this progress falls short of that seen in other regions such as Sub-Saharan Africa (2.1%) and, above all, East Asia (8.3%, not counting Japan and the Republic of Korea). Moreover, in many of the countries of the region these gains have not been distributed equitably. Therein lies a dual challenge that must be addressed: continue to increase productivity while enhancing the mechanisms for distributing gains in a way that will encourage investment and boost worker and household income. The Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the International Labour Organization (ILO) estimate that the pace of economic growth in the region will be slightly slower in 2012 than in 2011, in a global economic scenario marked by the cooling of several of the main economic engines and a high degree of uncertainty concerning, above all, prospects for the euro zone. The region is expected to continue to hold up well to this worsening scenario, thanks to policies that leveraged more favourable conditions in the past. This will be felt in the labour markets, as well, so expectations are that unemployment will edge down by as much as two tenths of a decimal point.

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As predicted in the first bulletin, produced jointly by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the International Labour Organization (ILO), the impact of the economic crisis continued to be felt in Latin America and the Caribbean during the second quarter of 2009. Regional exports of goods and services contracted in response to sluggish demand on international markets, while remittances and foreign direct investment flows continued to fall, credit lost its buoyancy and the total wage bill diminished, owing mainly to job losses. As a result, the growth forecasts of many countries had to be adjusted downwards. Since the end of 2008, the countries of the region had started to implement countercyclical policies —albeit with significant differences— in an effort to use public spending to counter flagging investment and consumer-spending levels and boost aggregate demand. In this second bulletin, ECLAC and ILO show how the impact of the crisis has deepened in labour markets in the region in the first half of the year and examine existing options and the outcome of public-infrastructure and emergency employment programmes designed to mitigate the impact of the crisis on the labour market. The unemployment rate has risen in practically all countries compared with the previous year and this situation worsened further in the second quarter, when urban unemployment exceeded the rate of the corresponding period in 2008 by 1 percentage point (to stand at 8.5%, up from 7.5%), while in the first quarter, the variation was 0.6 of a percentage point. Labour indicators also point to an increase in informality, a decline in employment with social protection and a decrease in full-time employment. Labour-market trends observed in the first half-year, together with the forecast for a 1.9% decline in regional GDP in 2009, suggest that the average annual rate of urban unemployment in the region will be close to 8.5%. This forecast is slightly less pessimistic than the estimate given in the first bulletin; this is attributable to the fall in the participation rate in the first half-year to levels that are expected to remain low for the rest of the year. Without this reduction in the labour supply, due largely to the “discouragement effect”, the annual average urban unemployment rate would stand at between 8.8% and 8.9%. Thus, the open urban unemployment figure would increase by 2.5 million and if the “discouraged job-seekers” are included, then the number of additional persons not finding a niche in the urban labour market would climb to 3.2 million. In the region, as in the rest of the world, there are signs that the crisis may have reached bottom in the middle of the year. In many countries, production levels have ceased their decline and there are indications of an incipient recovery leading to cautious optimism that there may be a moderate upturn in labour markets in the fourth quarter. The pace of recovery will vary from one country to the next and is expected to be gradual at best. Even with the return to a growth path, there should be no illusion that the labour problems will immediately disappear. First, the recovery in employment is expected to lag behind the upturn in economic activity. Second, since economic growth is likely to remain moderate in the short term and well below the rates recorded between late 2003 and mid-2008, demand for labour and consequently the generation of good-quality jobs will continue to be weak. Thus, countries should not relax their efforts to defend and create decent jobs, but rather should take steps to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of available instruments. In this way, the region will be in a better position not only to confront the challenges of economic recovery, but also to strengthen the foundations for social inclusion and for advancing under more favourable conditions towards fulfilment of the Millennium Development Goals.

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Since the financial and economic crisis began to affect the real economy and spread throughout the world, the region’s economies have been faced with a situation where data on employment and labour reflect the real stories of millions of women and men for whom the future has become uncertain. When these problems began to appear, the International Labour Organization (ILO) warned that the world faced a global employment crisis whose consequences could lead to a social recession. As the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) has pointed out, the outbreak of the crisis put an end to a five-year period of sustained growth and falling unemployment. As early as the second half of 2008, the figures began to reflect slowing economic growth, while a downward slide began in the labour market. This initial bulletin, produced jointly by ECLAC and ILO, seeks to review the ways in which the crisis is affecting the region’s labour markets. Amidst a situation characterized by shocks and uncertainty, governments and social partners must have the inputs needed for designing public policies to increase the population’s levels of employment and well-being. It is planned to produce two further bulletins by January 2010, in order to measure the impact of the crisis on employment and provide an input to the process of defining the best public policies to reverse its consequences. The bulletin reviews the most recent available indicators and analyses them in order to establish trends and detect variations. It provides statistics for the first quarter, estimates for the rest of 2009, and a review of policies announced by the Governments. In 2008, the last year of the growth cycle, the region’s urban unemployment stood at 7.5%. According to economic growth forecasts for 2009, the average annual urban unemployment rate for the region will increase to between 8.7% and 9.1%; in other words, between 2.8 million and 3.9 million additional people will swell the ranks of the unemployed. Data for the first quarter of 2009 already confirm that the crisis is hitting employment in the region. Compared with the first quarter of 2008, the urban unemployment rate was up by 0.6 percentage points, representing over a million people.Work will continue until September 2009 on the preparation of a new report on the employment situation, using data updated to the first half of 2009. This will provide a picture of the region’s employment situation, so that growth and employment projections can be adjusted for 2009 as a whole. Strategies for dealing with the crisis must have jobs and income protection as their central goals. Policies are moving in that direction in Latin America and the Caribbean and, if they are effective, an even greater worsening of the situation may be avoided. Labour produces wealth, generates consumption, keeps economies functioning and is a key factor in seeking out the way to more sustainable and equitable growth once the crisis is past.

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The Employment Situation in Latin America and the Caribbean is a twice-yearly report prepared jointly by the Economic Development Division of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the Office for the Southern Cone of Latin America of the International Labour Organization (ILO).

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This study deals with the protection of social rights in Europe and aims to outline the position currently held by these rights in the EU law. The first two chapters provide an overview of the regulatory framework in which the social rights lie, through the reorganisation of international sources. In particular the international instruments of protection of social rights are taken into account, both at the universal level, due to the activity of the United Nations Organisation and of its specialized agency, the International Labour Organization, and at a regional level, related to the activity of the Council of Europe. Finally an analysis of sources concludes with the reconstruction of the stages of the recognition of social rights in the EU. The second chapter describes the path followed by social rights in the EU: it examines the founding Treaties and subsequent amendments, the Charter of Fundamental Social Rights of Workers of 1989 and, in particularly, the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, the legal status of which was recently treated as the primary law by the Treaty of Lisbon signed in December 2007. The third chapter is, then, focused on the analysis of the substantive aspects of the recognition of the rights made by the EU: it provides a framework of the content and scope of the rights accepted in the Community law by the Charter of Fundamental Rights, which is an important contribution to the location of the social rights among the fundamental and indivisible rights of the person. In the last section of the work, attention is focused on the two profiles of effectiveness and justiciability of social rights, in order to understand the practical implications of the gradual creation of a system of protection of these rights at Community level. Under the first profile, the discussion is focused on the effectiveness in the general context of the mechanisms of implementation of the “second generation” rights, with particular attention to the new instruments and actors of social Europe and the effect of the procedures of soft law. Second part of chapter four, finally, deals with the judicial protection of rights in question. The limits of the jurisprudence of the European Union Court of Justice are more obvious exactly in the field of social rights, due to the gap between social rights and other fundamental rights. While, in fact, the Community Court ensures the maximum level of protection to human rights and fundamental freedoms, social rights are often degraded into mere aspirations of EU institutions and its Member States. That is, the sources in the social field (European Social Charter and Community Charter) represent only the base for interpretation and application of social provisions of secondary legislation, unlike the ECHR, which is considered by the Court part of Community law. Moreover, the Court of Justice is in the middle of the difficult comparison between social values and market rules, of which it considers the need to make a balance: despite hesitancy to recognise the juridical character of social rights, the need of protection of social interests has justified, indeed, certain restrictions to the free movement of goods, freedom to provide services or to Community competition law. The road towards the recognition and the full protection of social rights in the European Union law appears, however, still long and hard, as shown by the recent judgments Laval and Viking, in which the Community court, while enhancing the Nice Charter, has not given priority to fundamental social rights, giving them the role of limits (proportionate and justified) of economic freedoms.