Crítica a los mecanismos de cooperación entre Colombia y Perú para enfrentar la oferta de drogas ilícitas en la frontera (2003-2012)

El objetivo de esta investigación es explicar la forma en que la oferta de drogas ilícitas en la frontera ha configurado los mecanismos de cooperación entre Colombia y Perú de 2003 a 2012. Éste será desarrollado a través de los conceptos de cooperación (Keohane 1984) y securitización (Buzan 1998), que condujeron al estudio del proceso de coordinación política en tres etapas (Balzacq 2010): qué se dice en los acuerdos de cooperación entre Colombia y Perú, cómo han actuado los Estados en la frontera y cómo ese comportamiento ha afectado la posibilidad de coordinación política con Ecuador y Brasil dentro del micro complejo regional de seguridad. De esta manera, se probará que el tema de la oferta de drogas ilícitas en la frontera permanece en el campo politizado en la agenda colombo-peruana, mientras que la posibilidad de vínculos entre grupos armados organizados de ambos Estados está securitizada.

Behavioral differences in violence: the case of intra-group differences of paramilitaries and guerrillas in Colombia

In most studies on civil wars, determinants of conflict have been hitherto explored assuming that actors involved were either unitary or stable. However, if this intra-group homogeneity assumption does not hold, empirical econometric estimates may be biased. We use Fixed Effects Finite Mixture Model (FE-FMM) approach to address this issue that provides a representation of heterogeneity when data originate from different latent classes and the affiliation is unknown. It allows to identify sub-populations within a population as well as the determinants of their behaviors. By combining various data sources for the period 2000-2005, we apply this methodology to the Colombian conflict. Our results highlight a behavioral heterogeneity in guerrilla’s armed groups and their distinct economic correlates. By contrast paramilitaries behave as a rather homogenous group.

Análisis de la diplomacia paralela desarrollada por la ONG Corporación Desarrollo y Paz del Magdalena Medio para obtener recursos de cooperación internacional de la Unión Europea para la construcción de paz en Colombia: estudio de caso: laboratorio de paz del Magdalena Medio. Período: 2002 - 2006.

En la búsqueda a soluciones al conflicto armado en Colombia, se han inmiscuido una serie de actores, en donde la sociedad civil ha tenido una gran importancia. El Magdalena Medio es una región en donde confluyen diferentes actores armados, además de los problemas que la rodean: pobreza, subdesarrollo. Razones por las que la Corporación Desarrollo y Paz del Magdalena Medio en cabeza del Padre Francisco de Roux S.J, con ayuda de la sociedad civil llevaron a cabo una Diplomacia Paralela, para obtener recursos de Cooperación Internacional de la UE y se construyera el primer Laboratorio de Paz en Colombia. Esta, se desarrolla no sólo por la innovación de las propuestas de los pobladores para poner fin al conflicto, sino también para impulsar el desarrollo de la región, demostrando la importancia de la Diplomacia Paralela desarrollada por la sociedad civil en escenarios internacionales, conocida mediante diferentes documentos, videos y artículos académicos.

Estrategia de intervención militar de Estados Unidos en Medio Oriente: dinámicas y consecuencias del uso de drones en Yemen y Pakistán entre 2009 a 2013

Este es un estudio sobre la estrategia de guerra estadounidense en Medio Oriente basada en el uso sistemático de drones durante el periodo comprendido entre 2009 y 2013. Se busca explicar de qué manera puede considerarse el uso de este tipo de armamento como una práctica basada en la proyección de poder sin mayor vulnerabilidad. Los casos de Pakistán y Yemen son abordados, ya que evidencian las características de las operaciones selectivas por las que ha abogado el Presidente Obama. El estudio se inscribe dentro del realismo ofensivo, haciendo también referencia a sus limitaciones explicativas. Empero, se afirma que las dinámicas y consecuencias de la utilización de drones son intrínsecas a la necesidad estadounidense de combatir actores no estatales mediante prácticas que garanticen su seguridad y pretensiones hegemónicas a pesar de las implicaciones políticas , legales y sociales en las que puede incurrir.

Los “enganchados”. La formación de grupos armados en la Costa del Ecuador a inicios del siglo XIX (Estudios)

Basado en fuentes primarias (epistolarios), el artículo ofrece una aproximación al proceso de formación de grupos armados irregulares, en la provincia de Manabí, a inicios del siglo XIX, como consecuencia de la disputa por el poder y el control del monopolio de la violencia, en el marco de construcción del nuevo régimen republicano. En esta región periférica del Estado central, la sociedad se torna violenta cuando es presionada tanto por el poder estatal, como por los caudillos locales que pretenden formar parte de las estructuras de poder local por medio del reclutamiento forzoso para engrosar las filas de milicias y grupos armados.

The Darién Region, Connecting Road of the Americas, among the expressions of hydric wealth, land vocation and the extractive exploration on its violated forms

Colombia has oceanic waters, catchment areas, like lakes, cienagas and swamps, water flows, like rivers, gorges and streams, small rivers and groundwater. The oceanic waters are the Caribbean Sea-1600 km and the Pacific Ocean-1300 km that comprise the north and west continental territory, respectively. Actually the Region of Darién, geographically bounded by the Carribean Sea to the north is becoming to be focused by studies due to use conflicts and disputes about water and a forest reserve on its territories. Considering its location, strategic at northwestern Colombia, frontier region with Central America, several dynamics are imposed. One of them is the implantation of a road system entitled Connecting Road of the Americas. This fact means the construction of an infra-structure that will cross a special zone formed by swamps and jungle known as The Darién Gap. Evidences of such interests are revealed by projects like the constructions of Turbo's Port in the Atlantic Ocean, Department of Antioquia and Tribugá's Port in the Pacific Ocean, Department of Choco, the mountain road and the coastal conection Colombia-Venezuela attending to the main intentions of the central region of the department (Metropolitan Area of Aburrá Valley-AMVA). Human settlements form a productive system, based on small and medium familiar agriculture's production, corresponding to the western portion and piedmont of Abibe's mountain at its antioquian portion, alluvial plan that forms the rivers on this area, the littoral zone that delimits the Carribean Sea, the Darién and Baudó Mountains and the gulf that receives, among other waters, the ones from Atrato and León, as well as the exodus process constitutes a forced exit resulting from actions of several armed groups. It can be identified intense historical, cultural, political and environmental relations, specially the last one associated with strategic ecosystems that are fundamental for the hydric regulation of the region, as well as food safety of the local inhabitants. Results from two researches (UPB, 2007 y 2010) reveals this quick transformation in the spatial re-configuration, demographical and economical indicators and the exacerbated fight for resources, damaging the extractive vocation in the Region. Path to commerce of illegalities (drugs, guns) and to implementation of the agroindustrial project for biofuel production, cooperation program that involves Venezuela, Brazil and Colombia. Appropriation modes allow the existence of strategies since global interests revealing a development logic that privileges the conception of an artificialized nature. Since the smallest portion of rural areas, specific modes of resources exploration are linked to imposed interests of transnational corporations. Disparate consequences are going deeper evidenced by social, technical and nature transformations, envisioning risks for the habitability's condition

The Darién Region, Connecting Road of the Americas, among the expressions of hydric wealth, land vocation and the extractive exploration on its violated forms

Colombia has oceanic waters, catchment areas, like lakes, cienagas and swamps, water flows, like rivers, gorges and streams, small rivers and groundwater. The oceanic waters are the Caribbean Sea-1600 km and the Pacific Ocean-1300 km that comprise the north and west continental territory, respectively. Actually the Region of Darién, geographically bounded by the Carribean Sea to the north is becoming to be focused by studies due to use conflicts and disputes about water and a forest reserve on its territories. Considering its location, strategic at northwestern Colombia, frontier region with Central America, several dynamics are imposed. One of them is the implantation of a road system entitled Connecting Road of the Americas. This fact means the construction of an infra-structure that will cross a special zone formed by swamps and jungle known as The Darién Gap. Evidences of such interests are revealed by projects like the constructions of Turbo's Port in the Atlantic Ocean, Department of Antioquia and Tribugá's Port in the Pacific Ocean, Department of Choco, the mountain road and the coastal conection Colombia-Venezuela attending to the main intentions of the central region of the department (Metropolitan Area of Aburrá Valley-AMVA). Human settlements form a productive system, based on small and medium familiar agriculture's production, corresponding to the western portion and piedmont of Abibe's mountain at its antioquian portion, alluvial plan that forms the rivers on this area, the littoral zone that delimits the Carribean Sea, the Darién and Baudó Mountains and the gulf that receives, among other waters, the ones from Atrato and León, as well as the exodus process constitutes a forced exit resulting from actions of several armed groups. It can be identified intense historical, cultural, political and environmental relations, specially the last one associated with strategic ecosystems that are fundamental for the hydric regulation of the region, as well as food safety of the local inhabitants. Results from two researches (UPB, 2007 y 2010) reveals this quick transformation in the spatial re-configuration, demographical and economical indicators and the exacerbated fight for resources, damaging the extractive vocation in the Region. Path to commerce of illegalities (drugs, guns) and to implementation of the agroindustrial project for biofuel production, cooperation program that involves Venezuela, Brazil and Colombia. Appropriation modes allow the existence of strategies since global interests revealing a development logic that privileges the conception of an artificialized nature. Since the smallest portion of rural areas, specific modes of resources exploration are linked to imposed interests of transnational corporations. Disparate consequences are going deeper evidenced by social, technical and nature transformations, envisioning risks for the habitability's condition

The Darién Region, Connecting Road of the Americas, among the expressions of hydric wealth, land vocation and the extractive exploration on its violated forms

Colombia has oceanic waters, catchment areas, like lakes, cienagas and swamps, water flows, like rivers, gorges and streams, small rivers and groundwater. The oceanic waters are the Caribbean Sea-1600 km and the Pacific Ocean-1300 km that comprise the north and west continental territory, respectively. Actually the Region of Darién, geographically bounded by the Carribean Sea to the north is becoming to be focused by studies due to use conflicts and disputes about water and a forest reserve on its territories. Considering its location, strategic at northwestern Colombia, frontier region with Central America, several dynamics are imposed. One of them is the implantation of a road system entitled Connecting Road of the Americas. This fact means the construction of an infra-structure that will cross a special zone formed by swamps and jungle known as The Darién Gap. Evidences of such interests are revealed by projects like the constructions of Turbo's Port in the Atlantic Ocean, Department of Antioquia and Tribugá's Port in the Pacific Ocean, Department of Choco, the mountain road and the coastal conection Colombia-Venezuela attending to the main intentions of the central region of the department (Metropolitan Area of Aburrá Valley-AMVA). Human settlements form a productive system, based on small and medium familiar agriculture's production, corresponding to the western portion and piedmont of Abibe's mountain at its antioquian portion, alluvial plan that forms the rivers on this area, the littoral zone that delimits the Carribean Sea, the Darién and Baudó Mountains and the gulf that receives, among other waters, the ones from Atrato and León, as well as the exodus process constitutes a forced exit resulting from actions of several armed groups. It can be identified intense historical, cultural, political and environmental relations, specially the last one associated with strategic ecosystems that are fundamental for the hydric regulation of the region, as well as food safety of the local inhabitants. Results from two researches (UPB, 2007 y 2010) reveals this quick transformation in the spatial re-configuration, demographical and economical indicators and the exacerbated fight for resources, damaging the extractive vocation in the Region. Path to commerce of illegalities (drugs, guns) and to implementation of the agroindustrial project for biofuel production, cooperation program that involves Venezuela, Brazil and Colombia. Appropriation modes allow the existence of strategies since global interests revealing a development logic that privileges the conception of an artificialized nature. Since the smallest portion of rural areas, specific modes of resources exploration are linked to imposed interests of transnational corporations. Disparate consequences are going deeper evidenced by social, technical and nature transformations, envisioning risks for the habitability's condition

Una mirada antropológica sobre el conflicto, la desigualdad y los procesos de reinserción social en Colombia

For more than half of a century, Colombia has been living in a state of violence, a nationwide political violence. As the time goes by, this situation gets even worse. Now the violence is implanted for different interests, such as personal, political, social and economical interests. For this reason, the information for this thesis was gathered from the time of the independence, through the era of violence until today; considering a reflection that begins with the perspective of Marx, passing by a theoretical compilation of the conflict, with an anthropological, psychological, biological and sociological perspective. In addition, different theories about violence have been studied to recognize the ideological approach of the different armed movements that have emerged in Colombia. Statistical, economical and social data including class struggle, social stratification, exclusion and gender perspective among others, have been considered from an anthropological and interdisciplinary approach for studying the violence. A strong interest in the social reintegration process, through an ethnographic study, based on the actors backgrounds, their lives, experiences and their geographical location have provided information that will allow to know the reality of those who are living in the process, those who survive it and those who go on with their lives in society, and those who after doing it return to the armed groups. Population displaced by violence, refugees, has contributed to this study about their possibilities to return to the society or to be excluded by it. With this purpose, a theoretical and a documentary analysis as well as fieldwork have been done, trying to bring forward tools and guidelines to make some progress in developing effective solutions for social integration of Colombian armed conflict victims.

Everyday Indivisibility: How Exclusive Religious Practices Explain Variation in Subnational Violence Outcomes

This project explores the puzzle of religious violence variation. Religious actors initiate conflict at a higher rate than their secular counterparts, last longer, are more deadly, and are less prone to negotiated termination. Yet the legacy of religious peacemakers on the reduction of violence is undeniable. Under what conditions does religion contribute to escalated violence and under what conditions does it contribute to peace? I argue that more intense everyday practices of group members, or high levels of orthopraxy, create dispositional indivisibilities that make violence a natural alternative to bargaining. Subnational armed groups with members whose practices are exclusive and isolating bind together through ritual practice, limit the acceptable decisions of leaders, and have prolonged timeframes, all of which result in higher levels of intensity, intransigence and resolve during violent conflict. The theory challenges both instrumentalist and constructivist understandings of social identity and violence. To support this argument, I construct an original cross-national data-set that employs ethnographic data on micro-level religious practices for 724 subnational armed groups in both civil wars and terror campaigns. Using this data, I build an explanatory “religious practice index” for each observation and examine its relationship with conflict outcomes. Findings suggest that exclusive practice groups fight significantly longer with more intensity and negotiate less. I also apply the practice model to qualitative cases. Fieldwork in the West Bank and Sierra Leone reveals that groups with more exclusive religious practicing membership are principle contributors to violence, whereas those with inclusive practices can contribute to peace. The project concludes with a discussion about several avenues for future research and identifies the practical policy applications to better identify and combat religious extremism.

La légalité de l'intervention militaire française au Mali : contribution à l’étude du cadre juridique de la lutte armée contre le terrorisme international

Mémoire récipiendaire de la mention "Excellent", avec les félicitations du jury.

The future of human rights protection in the new Libya: prospects and challenges. Jean Monnet Occasional Paper No. 6/2014

There is no doubt that demand for the respect of human rights was one of the factors behind the Arab Spring and Libya is no exception. Four decades of absolute dictatorship headed by Muammar Gaddafi had been further tainted with gross violations of human rights of Libyan citizens and restrictions on their basic freedoms. Before the revolution, Libya was a country where no political parties were allowed. Freedom of expression and the press were extremely restricted. Reports about the country’s human rights violations published by a number of international organizations documented large scale human rights abuses at the hands of the Gaddafi regime. The 17 February 2011 revolution in Libya led to a turning point in the country’s history. The regime of Muammar Gaddafi which had dominated the country since 1969 eventually collapsed, leading to the beginning of the painful task of reconciliation and state building. Nonetheless it is estimated that more than 7000 prisoners are held captive by various militias and armed groups without due process. This in addition to thousands of internally displaced persons. State building involves the consolidation of a democratic state based on a democratic constitution. In 2011, a constitutional declaration was adopted to replace the one that had been in effect since 1969. This was intended as a stop-gap solution to allow the new political forces unleashed in the country time to write a new democratic constitution. To help consolidate the democratic state, three elements are required: that human rights be placed at its core; that these rights are truly implemented and applied; and lastly that the independence of the judiciary is safeguarded. For all this to happen it is also essential to strengthen education on human rights by encouraging non-governmental organizations to take a stronger role in promoting human rights. Libyan citizens can only avail themselves of these rights and strengthen their implementation if they know what they are and how they can benefit from their implementation

La légalité de l'intervention militaire française au Mali : contribution à l’étude du cadre juridique de la lutte armée contre le terrorisme international.

Mémoire récipiendaire de la mention "Excellent", avec les félicitations du jury.

Defense Expenditure: Andean and Amazon Regions

The Andean and the amazon, comprised of Venezuela, Colombia, Bolivia, Peru and Ecuador, have recently undertaken significant modernization efforts ranging from equipment, logistics, doctrine, training, deployment and the re-definition of the roles and missions of their forces. In most cases, motivations to modernize have been internal, such as continuing operations against armed groups as in the case of Colombia and Peru, enhance border control and sovereignty enforcement, as in the case of Ecuador and Brazil or regime control in Venezuela. However, they are complemented by perceptions of external threats, including traditional intra-state conventional wars. The increased tensions between Colombia and Venezuela and Ecuador as well as the historic Peru-Chile tensions are the most salient examples. Although diplomacy –especially defence diplomacy- has worked to a good degree in creating and strengthening confidence building measures, the potential for inter-state conflict is higher in this region of the Americas. This region has seen the recent emergence of long-term modernization plans, initially in Colombia followed by Venezuela and Ecuador and probably best embodied in scope and scale by the Brazilian National Defence Plan (for its long term vision). Although it has been speculated that high allocation of funds to retirement pension systems has had an impact on delaying modernization plans, this comparative study on the allocation of pension and social funds in these particular countries concludes that there is no direct linkage between the poor funding of military modernization plans and the diversion of funds to military pension systems.

Mapping Transnational Crime in El Salvador: New Trends and Lessons from Colombia

Since El Salvador’s civil war formally ended in 1992 the small Central American nation has undergone profound social changes and significant reforms. However, few changes have been as important or as devastating as the nation’s emergence as a central hub in the transnational criminal “pipeline” or series of recombinant, overlapping chains of routes and actors that illicit organizations use to traffic in drugs, money weapons, human being, endangered animals and other products. The erasing of the once-clear ideological lines that drove the civil war and the ability of erstwhile enemies to join forces in criminal enterprises in the post-war period is an enduring and dangerous characteristic of El Salvador’s transnational criminal evolution. Trained, elite cadres from both sides, with few legitimate job opportunities, found their skills were marketable in the growing criminal structures. The groups moved from kidnapping and extortion to providing protection services to transnational criminal organizations to becoming integral parts of the organizations themselves. The demand for specialized military and transportation services in El Salvador have exploded as the Mexican DTOs consolidate their hold on the cocaine market and their relationships with the transportista networks, which is still in flux. The value of their services has risen dramatically also because of the fact that multiple Mexican DTOs, at war with each other in Mexico and seeking to physically control the geographic space of the lucrative pipeline routes in from Guatemala to Panama, are eager to increase their military capabilities and intelligence gathering capacities. The emergence of multiple non-state armed groups, often with significant ties to the formal political structure (state) through webs of judicial, legislative and administrative corruption, has some striking parallels to Colombia in the 1980s, where multiple types of violence ultimately challenged the sovereignty of state and left a lasting legacy of embedded corruption within the nation’s political structure. Organized crime in El Salvador is now transnational in nature and more integrated into stronger, more versatile global networks such as the Mexican DTOs. It is a hybrid of both local crime – with gangs vying for control off specific geographic space so they can extract payment for the safe passage of illicit products – and transnational groups that need to use that space to successfully move their products. These symbiotic relationships are both complex and generally transient in nature but growing more consolidated and dangerous.