970 resultados para Brest-Litovsk Peace Conference (1917-1918)


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Some vols. issued in parts; none published in 1869.

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Photocopy.

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G. W. Prothero, general editor.

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Originally prepared for the information and use of the British delegates to the Paris Peace conference. cf. "Editorial note", v.1.

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Outbreaks of an acute, severe, encephalitic illness, clinically similar to Japanese and St. Louis encephalitis, occurred in rural areas of southeastern Australia in 1917, 1918, 1922, 1925, 1951, and 1974[1,9,14-16] and in north and northwestern Australia in 1981, 1993, and 2000.[8,12,41] Approximately 420 cases were reported in these nine outbreaks.[41] They are thought to represent a single entity for which various names (Australian X disease, Murray Valley encephalitis, Australian encephalitis) have been used. Twenty-two cases were diagnosed in the 5 years between 2007 and 2011; three were fatal, and one of the fatalities occurred in a Canadian tourist on return from a holiday in northern Australia. Case-fatality rates, as high as 70 percent in the early years,[9,11] declined to 20 percent in the 1974 outbreak and have remained at about this level since then.[5,10,12] However, significant residual neurologic disability occurs in as many as 50 percent of survivors.[10,12] The presence of this disease in Papua New Guinea was confirmed in 1956.[20] The causative virus was transmitted to experimental animals as early as 1918,[6,11] although those strains could not be maintained. The definitive isolation and characterization of Murray Valley encephalitis virus in 1951[19] led to epidemiologic studies that suggested its survival in bird-mosquito cycles in northern Australia but not in the area of epidemic occurrence in southern Australia.[1] Murray Valley encephalitis is caused by Murray Valley encephalitis virus. In an effort to dissociate a disease from a specific locality, the term Australian encephalitis was proposed by residents of Murray Valley for the disease caused by Murray Valley encephalitis virus. Some researchers subsequently have attempted to expand the term Australian encephalitis to include encephalitis caused by any Australian arbovirus. Because the term Australian encephalitis has no scientific validity and is ambiguous, it should not be used.

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Tutkielma käsittelee Suomen lippua toteemina. Ajallisesti tutkimus sijoittuu itsenäisyyden ajan alkuun. Työn teoreettinen lähtökohta on idea kansallislipusta kansakunnan itseensä kohdistuvan palvonnan merkkinä. Tutkielmassa tarkastellaan lippuun liittyvän veriuhrin ja uhrivalmiuden merkitystä suomalaisen kansakunnan rakentamisessa: uhrien kautta kansakunta saa elinvoimaa ja lippu liehuu suoritetun uhrin merkkinä. Tutkielman aluksi käsitellään nationalismitutkimusta ja kansallisuusaatteen traditioita sekä pohditaan lipputotemismin teoriaa. Toteemi pyrkii sisällyttämään itseensä koko yhteiskunnan: ihmisten tavoitellessa tiettyä objektia he sisäistävät itseensä sen ideaalit. Työn empiirinen osuus käsittää vuosina 1917-1918 julkisuudessa ja eduskunnassa käydyn keskustelun Suomen lipun väreistä ja merkityksestä. Ennen kansalaissotaa etenkin suomenkielisen maaseutuväestön kannattama sinivalkoinen väriyhdistelmä oli suuresta kannatuksestaan huolimatta puolustusasemissa virallisia vaakunavärejä vastaan, mutta vuoden 1918 tapahtumat muuttivat asetelman. Punainen väri sai väistyä, mutta punalipun pelko ei ollut ainoa asiaa selittävä tekijä. Etenkin nuori suomenkielinen sivistyneistö, joka oli kannattanut punakeltaisia värejä, palasi sodan jälkeen isiensä sinivalkoiseen perinteeseen. Taustalla oli syyllisyys: sinivalkoinen edusti paluuta idealistiseen ja harmoniseen esiseksuaaliseen tilaan punakeltaisen liehuessa hyökkäävän ja yksilöllisen materialismin merkkinä. 1920-luvulla työväestö ryhmittyi punalipun perään sosialidemokraattien noustessa vaa'ankieliasemaan heidän omaksuessaan valtakunnanlipun osaksi järjestötomintaansa vuonna 1927; kansallinen lippukulttuuri alkoi vähitellen kehittyä liputuskäytäntöjen vakiintuessa. Valtion ja sen laitosten sekä kuntien harjoittaman virallisen liputuksen ohella kahden kansalaisjärjestön lipputyö oli merkityksellistä. Itsenäisyyden Liitto ja Suomalaisuuden Liitto pyrkivät levittämään Suomen lippuja ja lipun sanomaa maan eri puolille. Itsenäisyyden Liitto nousi 1920-luvun lopulla tärkeimmäksi järjestöksi, sillä sille lippuasia oli todellinen pakkomielle. Liiton toiminta heijastaa totemismin teoriaa hyvin: lipun sanattomien ideaalien omaksuminen oli ainoa kansaa eheyttävä tekijä, koko valtakuntaa peittävä yhtenäinen lippumeri todiste yhteiskunnallisesta ja kieliriidattomasta yksimielisyydestä. Liiton sanoma kuului lyhyesti: kuoleminen lipun vaatimien arvojen - yksimielisen ja eheän kansan - puolesta oli itsestäänselvää, vaikeampaa oli elää oikealla tavalla vailla puolueriitojen sävyttämiä yksilöllisen itsekeskeisiä pyyteitä vain kansakokonaisuutta palvellen. Itsenäisyyden Liitto kehitti eteenpäin 1920-luvun puolivälissä esitettyä ideaa erityisestä Suomen lipun päivästä, joka sijoitettiin juhannukseksi. Ensimmäisen kerran lippupäivää vietettiin vuonna 1927 ja seuraavasta vuodesta lähtien liitto järjesti juhannuksena lippujuhlia ympäri maata. Itsenäisyyspävänä liitto järjesti virallisen lipunnostoseremonian Helsingissä Tähtitorninmäellä vuodesta 1928 alkaen. 1920- ja 30-lukujen vaihteessa lapuanliike ja työväentalojen pakkoliputukset sekä kommunistien aktivoitunut toiminta kärjistivät toteemien suhteet, mutta ilmiö oli monessa mielessä viimeinen kouristus ennen lipputoteemien suhteiden lientymistä, joka alkoi 1930-luvun puolivälissä. Tutkielman lähdeaineistona on käytetty tarkasteltujen järjestöjen arkistokokoelmia, laajasti lehdistöä sekä aikalaiskirjallisuutta. Oman osansa muodostavat valtiopäiväasiakirjat. Avainsanat: Suomen lippu, lippukulttuuri, totemismi, uhri, nationalismi

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Contains scrapbooks, correspondence and reports relating to Kohler's extensive activities on behalf of liberal immigration and naturalization laws in the United States, his opposition to the registration of aliens, the problems of Chinese immigration to the United States, his opposition to the use of the term "Hebrew Race" in the classification of immigrants, the drafting of minority clauses at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, Jewish and Christian relations in the U.S., and the condition of Jews in Russia, Roumania, Poland and Nazi-Germany with the following institutions: the American Civil Liberties Union, 1926-1934, the American Jewish Committee, 1909-1934, B'nai Brith, 1930-1933, the Union of American Hebrew Congregations - Board of Delegates on Civil Rights, the Committee on Ellis Island, the Foreign Language Information Service, the Hebrew Benevolent Society of Baltimore, the Hebrew Sheltering and Immigrant Aid Society, the Jewish Immigrants' Information Bureau in Galveston, Texas, the Industrial Removal Office, the National Conference of Jews and Christians, the National Council of Jewish Women, the National Council on Naturalization and Citizenship, the Bureau of Immigration to the United States Department of Laborm the United States Department of Commerce and Labor, the Department of State and individual United States Congressmen.

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Documents, medals, and photos pertaining to Max Strauss' service in the German Army before and during World War I:

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The Ideal of Volunteerism. An institutional approach to social welfare work in the parishes of the Diocese of Porvoo especially in the deaneries of Iitti and Tampere, Finland, in the years 1897-1923 Social welfare work (also known as diakonia) has achieved a high status in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland. Since 1944, provisions of the Finnish Church Act have obliged each parish to employ at least one deacon or deaconess. This study sets out to examine the background and development of social welfare work in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland from the 1890s to the 1920s, by which time social welfare work had become an established practice in the Church. The study investigates the development of social welfare work on the level of parishes. The main source material was collected from sixteen parishes in the Diocese of Porvoo especially in the deaneries of Iitti and Tampere. In the 1890s, two approaches were used in church social work in Finland. The dioceses of Kuopio, Savonlinna and Turku pursued a congregational approach to social work, while the Diocese of Porvoo employed an institutional approach, mainly because of the influence of Bishop Herman Råbergh. This study charts the formation of church social work in Finnish parishes, which took place during a period of tension between the two approaches. The institutional approach to church social work adopted by the Diocese of Porvoo was based on the German system of Asisters= houses@, in which deaconess institutes sent parish sisters to serve congregations. The parish or, in many cases, a separate association dedicated to church social work paid an annual fee to the deaconess institute, which took care of the parish sisters in old age. In the institutional approach, volunteers were recruited to carry out church social work. It was considered as inappropriate to use tax revenue or other public funding for church social work, which was supposed to be based on Christian love for one=s fellow humans and the needy, and for which only voluntary financial contributions were supposed to be used. In the congregational approach, church social work was directly based on the efforts of the parish. The approach relied on the administrative bodies of parishes and the Church, and tax revenue collected by the parishes, as well as other forms of public funding, could be used to carry out the social welfare work. The parishes employed deacons and deaconesses and paid their salaries. The approaches described above were not pursued in their ideal forms; instead, many variations existed. However, in principle, the social welfare work undertaken by the parishes of the Diocese of Porvoo was based on the institutional approach, while the congregational approach was largely employed elsewhere in Finland. Both of the approaches were viable. Parishes began to employ deacons and deaconesses as of the 1890s. The number of parishes which had hired a deacon or deaconess increased particularly in the 1910s, by which time 60% of parishes had employed one. This level was maintained until 1944 when each parish in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland was obliged to employ a deacon or deaconess. Deaconesses usually worked as travelling nurses. The autonomous status of Finland as part of the Russian Empire did not give Finns the right to develop legislation on social affairs and health care. Consequently, the legislation process did not begin until Finland gained its independence in 1917. The social welfare work carried out by parishes and a number of voluntary organisations satisfied the emerging need for medical treatment in Finnish society. Neither the government nor the municipalities had sufficient resources to provide this treatment. Based on the ideal of volunteerism, the institutional social work practiced in the Diocese of Porvoo ran into serious difficulties at the end of the First World War. Because of severe inflation, prices began to rise as of 1915 and tripled in 1917-1918. During the same period, Finnish society went through a deep crisis which escalated into Civil War in spring 1918. This period of economic and social turmoil marked a turning-point which led to a weakening of the status of institutional social work in parishes. Voluntary efforts were no longer sufficient to maintain the practice. In contrast, congregational social work, which was based on public funding, was able to cope with the changes and survived the crisis. The approach to social work adopted by the Diocese of Porvoo turned out to be no more than a brief detour in the history of social work in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland. At the start of the 1920s, the two approaches were integrated into a common vision for establishing church social work as a statutory practice in parishes.

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Concilio Panruso 1917-1918 / Domingo Krpan -- Cristo frente al mundo, según San Buenaventura / Gustavo E. Podestá -- “Jesucristo el liberador” de Leonardo Boff / Jorge Mejía -- Notas bibliográficas -- Libros recibidos

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Quando em 1952 o Presidente da Colômbia Laureano Gómez tentou (e falhou) a reorganização corporativa e autoritária da representação política não se apercebeu de que encerrava tardiamente um ciclo, provavelmente aberto pela curta ditadura de Sidónio Pais (1917-1918), em Portugal, e sobretudo, pela ditadura do general Primo de Rivera em Espanha (1923-1931). Um católico corporativo de tendências autoritárias, próximas do franquismo espanhol, e dirigente do Partido Conservador colombiano, Gómez inspirou uma reforma constitucional que o teria transformado no Presidente de um Estado autoritário, paternalista e mais confessional, com um executivo mais autónomo do legislativo e com um senado corporativo.Esta experiência falhada encerrou tardiamente um ciclo de reformas e ruturas políticas ditatoriais inspiradas no corporativismo, um dos mais poderosos modelos autoritários de representação social e política da primeira metade do século XX.

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Etat de collection : N° 29 (15 juil. 1917)-n° 36 (1e mars 1918)

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Périodicité : Hebdomadaire