75 resultados para Atrocities
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06
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In the years following the fall of Slobodan Milo evic, Serbian social, cultural and political responses to the wars of the 1990s have fallen under intense international scrutiny. But is this scrutiny justfied, and how can these responses be better understood? Jelena Obradovic engages with ideas about post-conflict societies, memory, cultural trauma, and national myths of victimhood and justified war to shed light upon Serbian denial and justification of war crimes - for example, Serbia's reluctant cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Rather than treating denial as a failure to come to terms with the past or as resurgent nationalism, Obradovic argues that the justification of atrocities are often the result of a societal need to understand and incorporate violent events within culturally acceptable boundaries.
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This paper considers the staging of violence, atrocities, and sexuality in the conduct of the war on terror. The piece discusses the manner in which the terms of the war on terror appear to shut down possible debate and examines the rhetorical and representational strategies that cause this. The paper argues that the war on terror includes a cultural project that seeks to create a consenting global audience. This cultural project appears more diffuse and less immediately instrumental than the military and diplomatic activities of this global battle. The piece argues that it is through the circulation of open secrets and accounts of torture and abuse that a global audience is constructed as both witness and participant in the practices and objectives of the war and that this positioning is designed to corral audience understanding into the suggested narratives of the proponents of the war. Este documento considera el escenario de la violencia, las atrocidades y la sexualidad en la conducta de la guerra contra el terror. El artículo plantea la manera en que los términos de la guerra contra el terror parecen suspender un posible debate y examina las estrategias retóricas y representativas que causaron esto. El documento plantea que la guerra contra el terror incluye un proyecto cultural que busca crear una audiencia global de común acuerdo. Este proyecto cultural parece más difuso y menos útil en el momento, que las actividades militares y diplomáticas de esta batalla global. El artículo sostiene que es mediante la circulación de secretos abiertos y de informes sobre la tortura y el abuso, que se forma una audiencia global tanto testigos como participantes de las prácticas y los objetivos de la guerra y que esa posición está designada a encerrar el conocimiento de la audiencia dentro de los relatos sugeridos por los proponentes de guerra.
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In 1998, Hugo Chávez Frías’ presidential candidacy brought race to national discussion in Venezuela for first time since 1945. For long, the country’s politics had abided by the myth of racial harmony and racial democracy. This approach pointed to institutional separation in the United States and Africa as examples of true racism. Latin America was largely void of such atrocities. Nonetheless, Chávez claimed the present political parties (Acción Democrática, Copei and Unión Republicana Democrática) disenfranchised the common, colored Venezuelan. He continued to assert the opposition’s racism during his presidency. And his political fanbase agrees. A variety of scholars have studied the break from Punto Fijo politics to the Bolivarian Revolution. Yet, few have linked the obvious class struggle to race. Here, I seek to explain how racial identity has shaped class identity in Venezuela by closely examining the Punto Fijo era (1958-1998). The essay begins with an overview of historical race relations, moving to the period in focus. Then, I examine systematic and institutional exclusion under Punto Fijo politics. The object is to understand the merit of Chávez’s racial claims since 1998. Hence, the study also sees democracy in action and the consequences of racial exclusion. The study will be accomplished through secondary research, considering the limitations brought by working abroad. In the end, this study serves as first step in analyzing the fall of what was once considered Latin America’s most durable democracy.
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In 1998, Hugo Chávez Frías’ presidential candidacy brought race to national discussion in Venezuela for first time since 1945. For long, the country’s politics had abided by the myth of racial harmony and racial democracy. This approach pointed to institutional separation in the United States and Africa as examples of true racism. Latin America was largely void of such atrocities. Nonetheless, Chávez claimed the present political parties (Acción Democrática, Copei and Unión Republicana Democrática) disenfranchised the common, colored Venezuelan. He continued to assert the opposition’s racism during his presidency. And his political fanbase agrees. A variety of scholars have studied the break from Punto Fijo politics to the Bolivarian Revolution. Yet, few have linked the obvious class struggle to race. Here, I seek to explain how racial identity has shaped class identity in Venezuela by closely examining the Punto Fijo era (1958-1998). The essay begins with an overview of historical race relations, moving to the period in focus. Then, I examine systematic and institutional exclusion under Punto Fijo politics. The object is to understand the merit of Chávez’s racial claims since 1998. Hence, the study also sees democracy in action and the consequences of racial exclusion. The study will be accomplished through secondary research, considering the limitations brought by working abroad. In the end, this study serves as first step in analyzing the fall of what was once considered Latin America’s most durable democracy.
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Equality as a principle and as a legal rule, integrates brazilian constitutional order since the Constitution of 1891, constituting the target always be sought, built and promoted by the state and society as a whole. Also e xs urgem for protection of equality and non - discrimination, declarations and international treaties, mostly ratified by Brazil. The international protection of human beings with intrinsic value began in the UN Declaration of 1948, which declared the equality of all men in rights and dignity, followed by more specific international documents, in a growing movement of ratification of international standards protection of human rights occurs after the atrocities during the Second World War. Within the Internation al Labour Organisation (ILO), the theme of equality and non - discrimination in employment relationships integrates one of its main conventions, to No. 111, ratified by Brazil since 1965, which aims to eliminate discrimination in respect of employment and oc cupation. In this context, lies the collective bargaining work, with her normative instruments arising from the collective agreement and the agreement recognized constitutionally and with full ability to create and establish standards and conditions for de tails of suitable work for each occupational category and economic having the unions the power and duty to use them as a means of effecting the postulates of equality and non - discrimination in employment relationships, filling gaps in state law and / or su pplementing it, molding them to existing events in the capital - job. Driven by greater freedom contained in the Constitution of 1988, trading, and with it, the private collective autonomy, in fact, have included the issue of equality and the right to differ ence between clauses created, scheduled to affirmative action and sealing exclusionary conduct, and reported some positive outcomes, such as greater diversity in work and training followed by admission of persons with disabilities environment. These attitu des of union entities and employers should be broadened because corroborate the fulfillment of constitutional requirements for compliance with the international declarations, adapting them to the reality of labor relations and contributing to the construct ion of equality in the pursuit of social justice with the recognition of the right to be different with respect to the inherent dignity of the human condition.
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This paper studies the novel The Kindly Ones, whose main plot charts the anguished memories of a Nazi officer. The reader of this novel is plunged into the harshest atrocities of the Holocaust and WWII, as these are recounted by a perverse conscience who is unmoved by the most terrible actions. Fiction and reality are contrasted in the novel against the framework of history writing and the subsequent debates sparked by historical elaboration. This novel perceptively captures historical truth, thus calling for critical attention upon the collective responsibility which will prevent the repetition of events.
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Keynote speaker for a one day symposium in Fine Art and Photography at De Montfort University, Leicester. The symposium looked at research as a rigorous process of investigation leading to new knowledge. It was aimed at visual arts practitioners wanting to account for their practices as forms of research. Two key questions were addressed: 1. How can arts practitioners account for the rigour of the methods they use in practice? 2. To what kinds of knowledge can their practices lead? Coutts' keynote looked at the concept of 'Unlearning' used by Marie Luisa Knott to explore what Hannah Arendt first had to do in order to rethink the atrocities carried out by the Nazis in the 20th Century. To be able to think anew means also to find a means for undoing what has previously been thought. Coutts looked to Arendt amongst other thinkers and artists, and used examples from within her own practice, to reflect on rigour in research and methods for legitimising a range of visual practices.
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Sur la base des travaux de Simone de Beauvoir Deuxième sexe I et Deuxième sexe II, et d’autres articles importants, une analyse sur la condition et la conception des femmes dans Les Soleils des indépendances a été effectuée dans le but d’étudier l’image de la femme postcoloniale africaine en général, et ivoirienne en particulier comparativement à celle d’avant l’indépendance. En examinant les conditions de la femme dans Les Soleils des indépendances d’Ahmadou Kourouma nous nous sommes retrouvés confrontés à certaines idées telles que la soumission, la société patriarcale, la femme traditionnelle, la femme moderne, la liberté, la femme comme mère mais aussi comme objet et victime des atrocités liées aux coutumes et traditions. Malgré l’accession de la Côte d’Ivoire à l’indépendance cette condition n’a pas été améliorée, et c’est ce que l’auteur dénonce indirectement et peut-être inconsciemment.
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This is a pre-copyedited, author-produced PDF of a chapter accepted for publication in the European Centre for Minority Issues and The European Academy Bozen/Bolzano (eds), European Yearbook of Minority Issues, Volume 12, 2013 (Brill, 2015). The version of record is available at: http://www.brill.com/publications/european-yearbook-minority-issues In reviewing the activities of relevant UN human rights institutions, bodies and mechanisms this chapter identifies and examines some of the main issues that have emerged regarding minority rights during the year 2013. It notably analyses how the UN has focused particular attention on the situation and the rights of religious minorities, as well as on the elaboration of the post-2015 development agenda. The chapter also reviews activities in other issue areas important for minorities such as language, education, combatting racism, hatred and intolerance, and the prevention of genocide and mass atrocities. It highlights developments with regard to specific groups such as Roma, people living with Albinism and Dalits. It also examines some of the urgent situations that have arisen from conflicts which have targeted minorities across the globe.
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El artículo aborda el dilema de la justicia transicional desde la perspectiva del derecho constitucional vigente en Colombia. El propósito es presentar cómo dicho marco constitucional puede responder a la aplicación de la justicia transicional, en especial en relación con el problema de la responsabilidad penal de quienes cometieron atrocidades durante el conflicto armado, dentro de un proceso de diálogo y negociación. En otras palabras, el presente escrito está enfocado en presentar cuáles son los mecanismos previstos en la Constitución colombiana para resolver la tensión generada entre el derecho a la paz y a la justicia en un proceso transicional, cómo deben ser interpretados y cuáles son las implicaciones de sus usos.
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Dark Tourism, understood as the type of tourism that involves a visit to real or recreated places associated with death, suffering, misfortune, or the seemingly macabre, is not a new concept, even from a touristic point of view. In fact, places of war, disasters, death and atrocities always fascinated humans and are subject to visits. People have long been drawn, purposefully or otherwise, towards sites, attractions or events linked in one way or another with death, suffering, violence or disaster. The concept of dark tourism has been designed and studied for the last years and many are the destinations around the world where it has been implemented, playing an important role in both a country’s economy and its image. However, there is a gap in literature about this specific type of tourism. The main goal of this paper is to present a literature review about this new tourism product where the thrill seeking is the main motivation. Specifically, it’s our intent to present some Dark Tourism definitions, history and evolution, as well as, to introduce its typologies and identify the most important dark tourist sites all over the world.
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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, 2016.
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El propósito de este estudio de caso es determinar los alcances y límites de la Responsabilidad de Proteger, tomando como ejemplo la actuación del Consejo de Seguridad de Naciones Unidas ante el conflicto en Libia y Siria. Para esto es necesario analizar fuentes primarias documentos oficiales y secundarias como artículos académicos, para así comprobar que la evolución del concepto de soberanía ha permitido que se legitimen las intervenciones con fines humanitarios, ya que todos los Estados tienen la responsabilidad de garantizar la protección de los derechos humanos de sus ciudadanos, de lo contrario, la comunidad internacional debe tomar medidas para evitar o detener los crímenes masivos.
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Com base em algumas das definições de testimonio como gênero literário, este artigo compara as obras de Gloria Anzaldúa e Rigoberta Menchú, duas autoras que compartilham uma herança indígena e que parecem funcionar como mediadoras entre os mundos daqueles que elas vêem como opressores e oprimidos. As discussões apresentadas neste artigo baseiam-se diretamente no “Testimonio de Menchú”, um relato oral das atrocidades por ela testemunhadas na Guatemala na década de 1980, transformado em um livro escrito por Elisabeth Burgos, Debray, e alguns trechos das obras de Anzaldúa, escritora e teórica, que teve de aprender a viver cercada pelo preconceito contra os descendentes de mexicanos que vivem na fronteira do Texas com o México. Os principais objetivos deste artigo são: a) identificar os leitores implícitos de seus textos; e b) analisar o papel dos elementos literários em suas narrativas.