'Rules of engagement’: how experiential learning facilitates the formation of a public–private partnership in Russia

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate to what extent one can apply experiential learning theory (ELT) to the public-private partnership (PPP) setting in Russia and to draw insights regarding the learning cycle ' s nature. Additionally, the paper assesses whether the PPP case confirms Kolb ' s ELT. Design/methodology/approach – The case study draws upon primary data which the authors collected by interviewing informants including a PPP operator ' s managers, lawyers from Russian law firms and an expert from the National PPP Centre. The authors accomplished data source triangulation in order to ensure a high degree of research validity. Findings – Experiential learning has resulted in a successful and a relatively fast PPP project launch without the concessionary framework. The lessons learned include the need for effective stakeholder engagement; avoiding being stuck in bureaucracy such as collaboration with Federal Ministries and anti-trust agency; avoiding application for government funding as the approval process is tangled and lengthy; attracting strategic private investors; shaping positive public perception of a PPP project; and making continuous efforts in order to effectively mitigate the public acceptance risk. Originality/value – The paper contributes to ELT by incorporating the impact of social environment in the learning model. Additionally, the paper tests the applicability of ELT to learning in the complex organisational setting, i.e., a PPP.

Exposing corrupt politicians : the effects of Brazil's publicly released audits on electoral

This paper examines whether access to information enhances political accountabil- ity. Based upon the results of Brazil's recent anti-corruption program that randomly audits municipal expenditures of federally-transferred funds, it estimates the e®ects of the disclosure of local government corruption practices upon the re-election success of incumbent mayors. Comparing municipalities audited before and after the elections, we show that the audit policy reduced the incumbent's likelihood of re-election by approximately 20 percent, and was more pronounced in municipalities with radio sta- tions. These ¯ndings highlight the value of information and the role of the media in reducing informational asymmetries in the political process.

Croatia: accession negotiations with the EU overshadowed by parliamentary elections. OSW Commentary No. 48, 2011-02-29

In 2011 Croatia entered the final stage of its accession negotiations with the EU. The completion of these negotiations will probably coincide with the parliamentary elections which should be held in November or December this year. The elections are likely to bring about a change of government, as public support for Jadranka Kosor's cabinet and her party, the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) has been declining; the left-wing opposition is likely to take power. Therefore, the government’s main goal is to complete the accession negotiations in the first half of the year, in order to sign the accession treaty and hold the EU membership referendum before the parliamentary elections. The HDZ believes that only the successful completion of the accession negotiations could increase its chances of a good result in the upcoming elections. At the same time, fearing a further fall in support, the government will avoid any decisions and reforms that would be controversial for the public, especially in the sphere of the economy; such decisions could also increase Euroscepticism among the Croatian public, and result in the rejection of EU accession in the referendum. The government in Zagreb hopes that the currently implemented anti-corruption strategy and reform of the judiciary, as well as the advanced process of adaptation to EU conditions, will be enough to complete the negotiations. This strategy has a serious chance of success, considering that there is considerable support for Croatia's membership among the EU countries and institutions. Another reason is that further prolongation of the negotiations could aggravate hostility towards the EU among the Croatian public, and would be a bad sign for other Balkan states with membership aspirations. However, subordinating Croatian policies to the completion of negotiations in the first half of the year could prove to be adverse for Croatia itself in the longer term, as it would put off the necessary structural reforms.

A ship run aground Deepening problems in the Ukrainian economy. OSW Commentary Number 173, 16 June 2015

The drop in Ukraine’s GDP by nearly 18% in the first three months of 2015 (versus the corresponding period in 2014) has confirmed the decline of the country’s economy. Over the last 14 months, the Ukrainian currency was subject to an almost threefold devaluation against the US dollar, and in April 2015 the inflation rate was 61% (year-on-year), which exacerbated the impoverishment of the general public and weakened domestic demand. The main reason behind the crisis has been the destruction of heavy industry and infrastructure in the war-torn Donbas region, over which Kyiv no longer has control, as well as a sharp decline in foreign trade (by 24% in 2014 and by 34% in the first quarter of 2015), recorded primarily in trading volume with Ukraine’s major trade partner, i.e. Russia (a drop of 43%). The conflict has also had a negative impact on the production figures for the two key sectors of the Ukrainian economy: agriculture and metallurgy, which account for approximately 50% of Ukrainian exports. The government’s response to the crisis has primarily been a reduction in the costs of financing the Donbas and an increase in the financial burden placed on the citizens and companies of Ukraine. No radical reforms which would encompass the entire system, including anti-corruption reforms, have been carried out to stop the embezzlement of state funds and to facilitate business activity. The reasons for not initiating reforms have included the lack of will to launch them, Ukraine’s traditionally slow pace of bureaucratic action and growing dissonance among the parties making up the parliamentary coalition. The few positive changes, including marketisation of energy prices and sustaining budgetary discipline (in the first quarter of 2015, budgetary revenues grew by 25%, though partly as a result of currency devaluation), are being carried out under pressure from the International Monetary Fund, which is making the payment of further loan instalments to the tune of US$ 17.5 billion conditional upon reforms. Despite assistance granted by Western institutional donors and by individual states, the risk of Ukraine going bankrupt remains real. The issue of restructuring foreign debt worth US$ 15 billion has not been resolved, as foreign creditors who hold Ukrainian bonds have not consented to any partial cancellation of the debt. Whether Ukraine’s public finances can be stabilised will depend mainly on the situation in the east of the country and on the possible renewal of military action. It seems that the only way to rescue Ukraine’s public finances from deteriorating further is to continue to ‘freeze’ the conflict, to gradually implement wide-ranging reforms and to reach a consensus in negotiations with lenders.

Moldova: from oligarchic pluralism to Plahotniuc’s hegemony. OSW Commentary Number 208/07.04.2016

Moldova’s political system took shape due to the six-year rule of the Alliance for European Integration coalition but it has undergone a major transformation over the past six months. Resorting to skilful political manoeuvring and capitalising on his control over the Moldovan judiciary system, Vlad Plahotniuc, one of the leaders of the nominally pro-European Democratic Party and the richest person in the country, was able to bring about the arrest of his main political competitor, the former prime minister Vlad Filat, in October 2015. Then he pushed through the nomination of his trusted aide, Pavel Filip, for prime minister. In effect, Plahotniuc has concentrated political and business influence in his own hands on a scale unseen so far in Moldova’s history since 1991. All this indicates that he already not only controls the judiciary, the anti-corruption institutions, the Constitutional Court and the economic structures, but has also subordinated the greater part of parliament and is rapidly tightening his grip on the section of the state apparatus which until recently was influenced by Filat.

Impacto en la calidad de vida laboral de los empleados de los programas de responsabilidad social empresarial

El interés de este trabajo, es tener la oportunidad de conocer como las organizaciones desarrollan sus programas de Responsabilidad Social Empresarial con sus empleados como grupo de interés, donde se pudo concluir que las acciones y estrategias encaminadas al desarrollo del talento humano en su vida personal, familiar y social siguen siendo actividades de cumplimiento de tipo legal que luego son presentadas como resultados de una supuesta Responsabilidad Social. Con el fin de Identificar cuál es el impacto de los programas de Responsabilidad Social Empresarial en los empleados como grupo de interés, se aplicará, el método deductivo con enfoque aplicativo de las fuentes secundarias disponibles con las que se aclararán los conceptos básicos y necesarios para familiarizarnos con el tema de estudio, además de conocer los programas de Responsabilidad Social Empresarial de tres empresas con reconocimiento y trayectoria en su gestión de la responsabilidad social empresarial: dos del sector alimentos y una del sector financiero, de esta forma se podrán identificar las actividades, procesos y aspectos prioritarios para el desarrollo y cumplimiento del objetivo general del proyecto que es determinar el impacto de los programas de Responsabilidad Social Empresarial en la calidad de vida laboral de los empleados. Encontramos en las empresas objeto de estudio que tienen un alto compromiso con la sostenibilidad de sus organizaciones y que para definir el direccionamiento estratégico han tenido en cuenta estándares internacionales en materia de sostenibilidad como son los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Mileno (ODM), donde en éste puntualmente desarrollan a través de la innovación acciones específicas a uno de los objetivos del milenio que es garantizar la sostenibilidad del medio ambiente, los compromisos del Pacto Global de las Naciones Unidas, los cuales aplican a través de los principios de conducta y acción en materia de derechos humanos, trabajo, medio ambiente y lucha contra la corrupción, los compromisos de la Conferencia de Naciones Unidas sobre Desarrollo Sostenible (Río+20), la Guía ISO 26000 quien da los lineamientos para la responsabilidad social, el estándar del Global Reporting Initiative (GRI), que orienta frente a los 54 indicadores centrales y están organizadas en tres dimensiones: ambiental, financiera y social, con esta información son empresas que trabajan para ser socialmente responsables con sus grupos de interés, pero con el grupo específico de empleados que es el impacto que se pretendía identificar, encontramos que hacen actividades y estrategias con un nivel superior en la gestión que dan cumplimiento a los emitidos por la GRI. Es importante reconocer la participación que estas empresas dan a los empleados en la construcción de las acciones de bienestar laboral, familiar y social que impactan directamente en el logro de los objetivos organizacionales al tener personal motivado en trabajo que aportan desde su acción a la sostenibilidad y permanencia de la organización.

Incidencia de la adopción de los estándares de pacto global, en las instituciones de educación superior en Colombia en los años 2010 - 2015

La presente investigación busca analizar el impacto en los procesos organizacionales de las Instituciones de Educación Superior IES, por la adhesión voluntaria a Pacto Global mediante la verificación del cumplimiento de los principios a nivel documental y práctico. Esta iniciativa encuentra de gran valor la participación de la academia por su aporte a los aspectos críticos en las actividades, su contribución a la investigación, aprendizaje, recursos educativos, a la formación de líderes responsables, entre otros. En ese orden de ideas, el objetivo es conocer cuáles son los beneficios de la adopción de los diez principios relacionados con derechos humanos, estándares laborales, medio ambiente y anticorrupción en las IES, a partir de la revisión de los Comunicados de Progreso (COPs) y/o Comunicados de Involucramientos (COEs), trabajo de campo pertinente a la investigación. En una primera etapa se realizó el diagnóstico, basado en la revisión documental de los informes de cada IES activas en Pacto Global y de la verificación del cumplimiento de los compromisos descritos en los informes a través de las entrevistas realizadas en las IES seleccionadas. La segunda etapa consistió en evaluar en una matriz: el nivel de conocimiento, cumplimiento, motivación y efectividad de los resultados de cada IES. Los resultados obtenidos hacen referencia a la unificación de esfuerzos dentro de la organización, la transferencia del conocimiento, mayor visibilidad en la sociedad, entre otros. En definitiva, la adhesión a Pacto ha permitido que las IES sean organizaciones responsables al servicio de la comunidad educativa y empresarial.

Information and anti-terrorist security of Poland. A critical analysis exemplified with the tasks and activity of the Internal Security Agency

The subject matter of the analysis conducted in the text is information and anti-terrorist security of Poland, which has been presented within the context of a clash between two spheres – the state and the private sphere. Furthermore, the issues of security have been supplemented with a description of the tasks and activity of the Internal Security Agency, as well as a synthetic appraisal of a terrorist threat to Poland. The main parts of this work are concerned with: (1) the state and the private sphere, (2) " terrorism " and terrorist offences, (3) the tasks and activity of the Internal Security Agency, (4) an appraisal of a terrorist threat to Poland. Given the necessity to elaborate the research problem, the text features the following research questions: (1) To what extent does referring to a threat to security influence a limitation on rights and freedoms in Poland (with regard to the clash between the state and the private sphere)?, (2) To what extent do the tasks and activity of the Internal Security Agency influence the effectiveness of anti-terrorist security in Poland?

The Good, the Bad and the Populist: A Model of Political Agency with Emotional Voters

This paper attempts to extend existing models of political agency to an environment in which voting may be divided between informed and instrumental, informed and ‘expressive’ (Brennan and Lomasky (1993)) and uninformed due to ‘rational irrationality’ (Caplan (2007)). It constructs a model where politicians may be good, bad or populist. Populists are more willing than good politicians to pander to voters who may choose inferior policies in a large-group electoral setting because their vote is insignificant compared with those that voters would choose were their vote decisive in determining the electoral outcome. Bad politicians would ideally like to extract tax revenue for their own ends. Initially we assume the existence of only good and populist politicians. The paper investigates the incentives for good politicians to pool with or separate from populists and focuses on three key issues – (1) how far the majority of voter’s preferences are from those held by the better informed incumbent politician (2) the extent to which the population exhibits rational irrationality and expressiveness (jointly labelled as emotional) and (3) the cost involved in persuading uninformed voters to change their views in terms of composing messages and spreading them. This paper goes on to consider how the inclusion of bad politicians may affect the behaviour of good politicians and suggests that a small amount of potential corruption may be socially useful. It is also argued that where bad politicians have an incentive to mimic the behaviour of good and populist politicians, the latter types of politician may have an incentive to separate from bad politicians by investing in costly public education signals. The paper also discusses the implications of the model for whether fiscal restraints should be soft or hard.

Economics of Using Calcium Chloride vs. Sodium Chloride for Deicing/Anti-Icing, TR-488, 2008

The use of chemicals is a critical part of a pro-active winter maintenance program. However, ensuring that the correct chemicals are used is a challenge. On the one hand, budgets are limited, and thus price of chemicals is a major concern. On the other, performance of chemicals, especially at lower pavement temperatures, is not always assured. Two chemicals that are used extensively by the Iowa Department of Transportation (Iowa DOT) are sodium chloride (or salt) and calcium chloride. While calcium chloride can be effective at much lower temperatures than salt, it is also considerably more expensive. Costs for a gallon of salt brine are typically in the range of $0.05 to $0.10, whereas calcium chloride brine may cost in the range of $1.00 or more per gallon. These costs are of course subject to market forces and will thus change from year to year. The idea of mixing different winter maintenance chemicals is by no means new, and in general discussions it appears that many winter maintenance personnel have from time to time mixed up a jar of chemicals and done some work around the yard to see whether or not their new mix “works.” There are many stories about the mixture turning to “mayonnaise” (or, more colorfully, to “snot”) suggesting that mixing chemicals may give rise to some problems most likely due to precipitation. Further, the question of what constitutes a mixture “working” in this context is a topic of considerable discussion. In this study, mixtures of salt brine and calcium chloride brine were examined to determine their ice melting capability and their freezing point. Using the results from these tests, a linear interpolation model of the ice melting capability of mixtures of the two brines has been developed. Using a criterion based upon the ability of the mixture to melt a certain thickness of ice or snow (expressed as a thickness of melt-water equivalent), the model was extended to develop a material cost per lane mile for the full range of possible mixtures as a function of temperature. This allowed for a comparison of the performance of the various mixtures. From the point of view of melting capacity, mixing calcium chloride brine with salt brine appears to be effective only at very low temperatures (around 0° F and below). However, the approach described herein only considers the material costs, and does not consider application costs or other aspects of the mixture performance than melting capacity. While a unit quantity of calcium chloride is considerably more expensive than a unit quantity of sodium chloride, it also melts considerably more ice. In other words, to achieve the same result, much less calcium chloride brine is required than sodium chloride brine. This is important in considering application costs, because it means that a single application vehicle (for example, a brine dispensing trailer towed behind a snowplow) can cover many more lane miles with calcium chloride brine than with salt brine before needing to refill. Calculating exactly how much could be saved in application costs requires an optimization of routes used in the application of liquids in anti-icing, which is beyond the scope of the current study. However, this may be an area that agencies wish to pursue for future investigation. In discussion with winter maintenance personnel who use mixtures of sodium chloride and calcium chloride, it is evident that one reason for this is because the mixture is much more persistent (i.e. it stays longer on the road surface) than straight salt brine. Operationally this persistence is very valuable, but at present there are not any established methods to measure the persistence of a chemical on a pavement. In conclusion, the study presents a method that allows an agency to determine the material costs of using various mixtures of salt brine and calcium chloride brine. The method is based upon the requirement of melting a certain quantity of snow or ice at the ice-pavement interface, and on how much of a chemical or of a mixture of chemicals is required to do that.

Political Education in Plural Societies: Using the Anti-Bias Approach to Challenge Oppression in Bombay and Berlin

This study addresses the effectivity of the Anti-Bias approach and training methodology as a pedagogical political strategy to challenge oppression among student groups in the cities of Bombay and Berlin. The Anti-Bias trainings conducted within the framework of this study also become the medium through which the perpetuation of oppressive structures by students within and outside the school is investigated. Empirical data from predominantly qualitative investigations in four secondary schools, two each in Bombay and Berlin, is studied and analysed on the basis of theoretical understandings of prejudice, discrimination and identity. This study builds on insights offered by previous research on prejudices and evaluations of anti-bias and diversity interventions, where the lack of sufficient research and thorough evaluations testing impact has been identified (Levy Paluck, 2006). The theoretical framework suggests that prejudices and discriminatory practices are learnt and performed by individuals over the years by way of pre-existing discourses, and that behaviour and practices can be unlearnt through a multi-step process. It proposes that the discursive practices of students contribute to the constitution of their viable selves and in the constitution of ‘others’. Drawing on this framework, the study demonstrates how student-subjects in Bombay and Berlin perpetuate oppressive discourses by performing their identities and performing identities onto ‘others’. Such performative constitution opens up the agency of the individual, disclosing the shifting and dynamic nature of identities. The Anti-Bias approach is posited as an alternative to oppressive discourses and a vehicle that encourages and assists the agency of individuals. The theoretical framework, which brings together a psychological approach to prejudice, a structural approach to discrimination and a poststructural approach to identity, facilitates the analysis of the perpetuation of dominant discourses by the students, as well as how they negotiate their way through familiar norms and discourses. Group discussions and interviews a year after the respective trainings serve to evaluate the agency of the students and the extent to which the training impacted on their perceptions, attitudes and behavioural practices. The study reveals the recurrence of the themes race, religion, gender and sexuality in the representational practices of the students groups in Berlin and Bombay. It demonstrates how students in this study not only perform, but also negotiate and resist oppressive structures. Of particular importance is the role of the school: When schools offer no spaces for discussion, debate and action on contemporary social issues, learning can neither be put into practice nor take on a positive, transformative form. In such cases, agency and resistance is limited and interventionist actions yield little. This study reports the potential of the Anti-Bias approach and training as a tool of political education and action in education. It demonstrates that a single training can initiate change but sustaining change requires long-term strategies and on-going actions. Taking a poststructural perspective, it makes concrete suggestions to adapt and alter the Anti-Bias approach and the implementation of Anti-Bias trainings.

Dinámicas de externalización entre las ONG locales y las ONG extranjeras (terceros actores) presentes en Egipto: 2004-2009 (TERCEROS ACTORES) PRESENTES EN EGIPTO: 2004-2009

El propósito de la presente monografía es evaluar el papel de las ONG internacionales en la apertura de espacios de participación política para la sociedad civil en Egipto. En ese sentido, se analiza el contexto de oportunidades políticas locales y transnacionales del país, así como los procesos de articulación entre la política local e internacional a través de los niveles de integración entre sus actores. Mediante una investigación de tipo cualitativa basada en los desarrollos sobre teorías de la acción colectiva planteados por Sidney Tarrow, Charles Tilly, Robert Benford y David Snow, y las teorías sobre redes transnacionales de defensa desarrolladas por Margaret Keck y Kathryn Sikkink, se avanza hacia la identificación del desarrollo de procesos de externalización como medio para el fortalecimiento de organizaciones locales como alternativa de oposición política.

Can objects perform?: agency and thingliness in contemporary sculpture and installation

In his 1967 essay, “Art and Objecthood”, Michael Fried bemoaned the theatricality of minimalist sculpture, which replaced the presentness of compositional sculpture with the staging of an experience for the viewer as performer. His argument has since been inverted by artists and art writers invested in the idea of sculptures as props forming part of an artistic experience economy. This discourse has accompanied the rise of relational aesthetics as a dominant paradigm for contemporary art. More recently, however, there has been a turn away from relationality to ‘object-oriented’ art, where objects are seen to stage their own theatrical experiences, performing themselves without requiring the activation of a viewer’s body. We trace parallels between the philosophy of Bruno Latour and the “Speculative Materialism” group and this emerging trend in sculpture. In ascribing agency to objects, Latour proposes a radical shift from philosophy’s traditional investigation of the relationship between the mind and the world. Drawn to the idea that matter can be creative, artists have embraced his thinking. However, we argue that this has lead to a generalized, universalizing humanism that disables political action. Moreover, it undermines the potential for anti-humanist critique latent in object-oriented philosophy.

Financial regulation and international criminal policy: the anti-money laundering system in Brazil and Argentina

The objective of this paper is to present and compare the process and the results of the implementation of the anti-money laundering system in Brazil and Argentina. Considering that the internal transformations cannot be discussed without a clear understanding of the international apparatus, attention will be given to the description of the “international policy” designed and conducted by FATF. Therefore, its incorporation into two different national realities, the Brazilian and the Argentinean ones, will shed light not only on the transnational transformations both States underwent but also on the anti-money laundering regime itself. The paper is divided into five parts. The first one presents a brief introduction on the emergence and development of the relationship between financial regulation and criminal policy. The two following sections are designed to present an overview of the anti money laundering system in Brazil and Argentina and of the role of FATF in their implementation process. The fourth section presents two Brazilian examples of situations in which full advantage of the FATF regime was taken: the National Strategy to Combat Corruption and Money Laundering and the BacenJud, a communication channel between the financial system and the judicial power. To conclude, final comments will be presented in connection with the central questions of the project this paper is part of .