Fiscal adjustments and sovereign default in different government systems

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Economics from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Fiscal adjustments and sovereign default in different government systems

This paper extends the model of Spolaore (2004) about adjustments in di erent government systems for the context of scal adjustments and sovereign default. We introduce asymmetry between groups in income and preferences towards scal reforms. Default a ects di erently each group and becomes a possibility if reforms are not enacted after public nance solvency shocks, in uencing the political game according to its likelihood. With the extensions, new situations which were not possible with the previous framework arise. After the exposition of the model, the Argentine default in 2001 provides an example of the political con icts addressed by the model.

El dret a l'educació i la igualtat d'oportunitats. Perspectiva històrica

La importància del sistema educatiu per a la formació d’una consciència democràtica és un tema ja present en el pensament il•lustrat i recollit en la Constitució de 1812 on es pretenia que, amb els plans d’instrucció, a partir de l’any 1830 sabessin llegir i escriure tots els ciutadans. L’objectiu d’aquesta recerca és analitzar com el dret a l’educació és determinant per al desplegament de la nostra personalitat i per a la igualtat d’oportunitats. Molts dels problemes i de les tensions presents en la configuració d’un model de sistema educatiu per a la nostra societat democràtica són conseqüència de plantejaments no resolts des de fa dos segles. La consolidació, per primer cop en la nostra història, d’un ordenament jurídic democràtic, exigeix un esforç per part de tots els agents implicats en el sistema educatiu per a possibilitar una societat on sigui vigent el principi d’igualtat d’oportunitats.

Segimon Comas : importància i contextualització històrica d'un universitari i acadèmic del set-cents

Contextualització històrica dels inicis de l'Acadèmia de Bones Lletres al segle XVIII, i un dels seus artífexs, Segimon Comas.

Las posiciones de los diferentes grupos políticos israelíes sobre la resolución de la situación de los refugiados

La cuestión de los refugiados palestinos es uno de los asuntos clave para alcanzar una resolución firme del conflicto palestino-israelí. Para ello debe resolverse la situación de los cientos de miles de palestinos que fueron expulsados y/o huyeron con la guerra de 1948, y sus descendientes, que hoy suman casi 5 millones. En el proceso de paz, este es uno de los asuntos que ni siquiera fue tenido en cuenta con la profundidad que lo requiere. Los palestinos se acogen a la resolución 194 de la Asamblea de Naciones Unidas y reivindican el Derecho al Retorno. Pero del lado israelí tres argumentos ponen en duda este derecho al retorno: A) El asunto de la responsabilidad en la huida/expulsión de cientos de miles de palestinos de sus hogares. B) La «necesidad» existencial de ser un estado de mayoría judía, que el retorno podría poner en cuestión. C) El hecho de que Israel ya acogió a cientos de miles de judíos originarios de los países árabes. Analizaremos cómo los partidos políticos israelíes tratan este asunto, y cómo los «nuevos historiadores israelíes» pueden ayudar a cambiar el punto de vista israelí al poner en cuestión la narrativa sionista de la guerra del 48.

Sobre la identitat dels Matiners a les comarques del N.E. de Catalunya

This study attempts to throw some light on the identity of the Matiners of the regions of north-eastern Catalonia by analizing a notebook which was a register of rebels. This notebook gives the age, geographical origin and profession of the rebels. The War of the matiners (1846-49) was a Catalan rebellion framed within the context of popular opposition to the regime of the moderates, and in the midst of a general crisis. Themen who formed the groups of ((trabucaires)) were particulary young (the problemof recriting must not be forgotten), and came from the country, the crafts, and industry, and were militarized above all in the interior regions

(Intermittent) Poverty and Peace in Guinea-Bissau

The research on the correlations between poverty and conflicts in Guinea-Bissau has allowed to put in evidence not only the direct implications of the effective war of 1998/1999 over the living conditions of the country’s population, as well as the effects the conflicts - either effective or eminent – have over life in general, individual investments of different kinds and on reliance on the state and institutions. Although the fundamentally qualitative investigation highlighted the diversity of individual and family situations, it allowed identifying a denominator seen as common in most of the collected accounts : war and, in the case study of Guinea-Bissau, the perpetuation of an insecure environment, constitute causes for the increase in poverty and concur simultaneously to its reproduction through time.

La caverna de Josep Palau i Fabre (1952-1969): teatre versus al·legoria filosòfica per a representar i impedir el final tràgic i fosc del lluminós art de pensar.

What is the use of performing the myth of the cave from book VII of the Republic by Plato? Josep Palau i Fabre, considers that, in Plato's dialogues, the speakers are mere instruments at the service of his dialectical goal. The aim of this article is to show how, by turning the myth into a tragedy and also by relying on Heraclitus's conflict or war of opposites, the playwright succeeds in favoring a sort of thought which is not one-sided or univocal. On the contrary, in Palau i Fabre's La Caverna, the tragic hero, that is, the released prisoner transformed by the light of Reality and finally killed by his "cavemates" -after having been imprisoned again and having tried to rescue them from their ignorance or shadows-, still leaves to them his powerful experience of the agonistikos thought, which might bear fruit in their life to come.

La caverna de Josep Palau i Fabre (1952-1969): teatro versus alegoría filosófica para representar e impedir el final trágico y sombrío del luminoso arte de pensar.

What is the use of performing the myth of the cave from book VII of the Republic by Plato? Josep Palau i Fabre, considers that, in Plato's dialogues, the speakers are mere instruments at the service of his dialectical goal. The aim of this article is to show how, by turning the myth into a tragedy and also by relying on Heraclitus's conflict or war of opposites, the playwright succeeds in favoring a sort of thought which is not one-sided or univocal. On the contrary, in Palau i Fabre's La Caverna, the tragic hero, that is, the released prisoner transformed by the light of Reality and finally killed by his "cavemates" -after having been imprisoned again and having tried to rescue them from their ignorance or shadows-, still leaves to them his powerful experience of the agonistikos thought, which might bear fruit in their life to come.

Una visió de la Guerra de Successió des de l'exili: el 'Teatro de desdichas' (Milà, 1716)

El 1716 es publicà a Milà un text que fa una àmplia justificació històrica i política de la causa de Carles III d'Àustria a la Guerra de Successió d'Espanya (1702-1715). L'obra, de dimensions considerables (72 pàgines), va ser redactada per un eclesiàstic castellà que participà a la defensa de Barcelona durant el darrer setge i que va ser desterrat a Itàlia per les noves autoritats borbòniques. L'article analitza algunes de les idees centrals del text, com ara: l'oposició a la tirania borbònica i la defensa d'una monarquia moderada; la identificació de l'entronització de Felip V com el trencament de l'equilibri europeu i el punt culminant de la decadència d'Espanya; la denúncia de la traïció dels aliats; la vindicació de l'austriacisme castellà i la crítica al borbonisme d'alguns sectors catalans; i la descripció de la repressió i de l'exili.

Sivilisaatioiden sodat, kulttuurikamppailut ja antiglobalismi Osa II

English summary: War of civilisation, cultural contentions and anti-globalism. Part II : Cultural contentions and the dominant West

Els polítics de Lleida al Trienni Liberal (1820-1823)

En aquest estudi es pretén analitzar la composició social i ideològica dels quatre consistoris municipals que es van formar a la ciutat de Lleida al Trienni Liberal. A l'inici d'aquesta nova etapa històrica ja es va comprovar com els individus (sobretot nobles) que van controlar l'Ajuntament de Lleida al sexenni absolutista posterior a la Guerra del Francés van perdurar, per tant, no es produir cap revolució. Tot i que poc a poc aquests elements més absolutistes i com a màxim més identificats amb el liberalisme més moderat i proper al tradicionalisme van anant deixant pas a una nova classe dirigent política procedent dels sectors socials més dinàmics (professions liberals i activitats comercials), la qual va fer-se amb el consistori lleidatà a l'any 1823, va ser el triomf dels "exaltats". Aquesta experiència va finalitzar amb la invasió dels Cent Mil Fills de Sant Lluís i la posterior destrucció del règim constitucional.

El movimiento juntista en Lérida a principios de la Guerra de la Independencia (1808)

En este estudio se pretende analizar el movimiento juntista en la ciudad de Lérida a principios de la Guerra de la Independencia. En mayo de 1808 Lérida fue la primera urbe catalana en rebelarse contra la invasión napoleónica. El 2 de junio ante el vacío de poder generado por el poder central organizó su Junta de Defensa local primero y corregimental después. También en Lérida, el 18 de junio, se estableció la Junta Superior de Cataluña, presidida por el obispo Torres.

De la guerra de l'Empordà (1128) a la mortaldat de 1131: gènesi, extensió i extinció d'una fam. Per a una història de les crisis alimentàries a la Catalunya medieval

In the history of food shortages and subsistence crises which affected the Catalan counties during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the famine of 1129-1131 deserves special mention. Originating in the war of 1128 involving the Empordà and neighboring counties, this famine affected the city of Barcelona and other points of Catalonia (Winter, 1131) and created conditions for the spread of a deadly epidemic (July 1130 -January 1132).