Núcleos de acessibilidade e o atendimento a alunos com necessidades educacionais especiais nas universidades federais do nordeste brasileiro

In the current context of policies for inclusiveness in the Brazilian higher education, the accessibility centers are responsible for the organization of actions toward the fulfillment of the legal requirements regarding accessibility and the elimination of barriers that interfere with the participation and learning of persons with special learning needs (SLN), providing conditions for the full inclusion of these students in the activities of learning, research and community outreach in this learning level. This research had the goal to analyse the work developed by the accessibility centers in the federal universities in the northeastern region of Brazil towards the care of students with SLN. It is a descriptive work, with quantitative and qualitative approaches. Twelve federal universities participated through their accessibility center’s coordinators. The data - gathered by means of an electronic survey filled out in 2014 - was organized and analyzed through descriptive statistics and content analysis; their discussion was made around four topics: organization of accessibility centers for the care of students with SLN, kinds and numbers of students with SLN cared for, actions developed, and suggestions for the improvement of the accessibility centers. It was found that in the sphere of the researched universities, the accessibility centers have been taking actions involving many parts of the academic community towards the improvement of the conditions and permanence of students with SLN. However, in some institutional realities, these action need to be expanded and/or consolidated. The coordinators suggest further actions towards the betterment of these centers, regarding expansion of financial and human resources, professional qualification, awareness of the academic community, institutionalization and the formation of a collaborative network among the accessibility centers. Thus, although there are still challenges to overcome, the presence of the accessibility centers is shown to advance the realization of policies for the inclusion of students with SLN in the post-secondary education, towards the democratization of learning starting from the universal right to education.

O Programa Nacional Biblioteca da Escola - PNBE: da gestão ao leitor na educação infantil de Natal-RN

This study aims to investigate the process of implementation of Programa Nacional Biblioteca da Escola, PNBE, and the reader's training on Childhood Education level in Natal. The promotion of literary reading is the opportunity of inclusion in a world that is connected to citizenship, to human rights and social justice, because the reading is the way which gives meaning to the life and, therefore, it is a right for everybody. The study is characterized as a qualitative research with evaluative approach. The methodological procedure that constitutes this corpus took place in three stages: the first one was about the analysis of laws and documents of national public policies for the reading promotion; questionnaires were applied by Managing Committee - Natal/RN to CMEIs and the available websites from MEC that provide distribution of the acquis; in the second stage, we adopted the semi-structured interview as a methodological procedure elaborated with open questions that focus on the program management and to the acquis of PNBE; and in the third step we visited the 21 centers of childhood education in Natal for interviewing and to do the exploratory observation in places of reading. The Informant actors in this research are: the advisors of SME - Natal and FNDE, managers and teachers in Municipal Childhood Education Centers who totalize 30 informants. This theoretical and methodological framework follows the studies of Amarilha (1993; 1994; 2002; 2006; 2010; 2012), Bardin (2001), Bogdan; Biklen (1994), Castro (2007; 2008; 2012), Demo (2000; 2006; 2008), Fischer (2006), Moreira; Caleffe (2008), Paiva (2008; 2012), Secchi (2010; 2012), Soares (2003; 2008) and Zilberman (2001; 2003; 2008). The analysis indicates that decentralization strategy which is adopted in public management model will transfer responsibilities and assumption of the PNBE, exempting the actors to planning actions ensuring the efficiency and efficacy implementation on reading policy to national and municipal levels. The qualified acquis that is distributed by MEC reaches every Childhood Education center and does not depend on teacher's desire or it action, only a few of them know about it and they do not have information about the PNBE, neither receive specific training in order to articulate it to the practice of reading with children from Childhood Education. The reading project implemented by private education system in Natal overlaps the PNBE, making it invisible. The reading places that are available for that schooling stage are summarized to the reading corners. In some CMEI, books remain stored in boxes or they are locked in the closet, out of use to the teachers and students. Thus, care for the acquisition, selecting acquis, and a preoccupation to the supply of the reading and books for this education level are lost into volumes of closed boxes, teachers are jettisoned to this process and children do not have any enchantment to the reading or books. In this context, this paper draws attention to how much we should still investigate in order to understanding the perspectives, stresses and challenges from public policies for the reading promotion in our country. We hope that the research will help to improve the management model of the PNBE, ensuring the reading democratization and therefore the reader's training in early Childhood Education.

O Programa Nacional Biblioteca da Escola - PNBE: da gestão ao leitor na educação infantil de Natal-RN

This study aims to investigate the process of implementation of Programa Nacional Biblioteca da Escola, PNBE, and the reader's training on Childhood Education level in Natal. The promotion of literary reading is the opportunity of inclusion in a world that is connected to citizenship, to human rights and social justice, because the reading is the way which gives meaning to the life and, therefore, it is a right for everybody. The study is characterized as a qualitative research with evaluative approach. The methodological procedure that constitutes this corpus took place in three stages: the first one was about the analysis of laws and documents of national public policies for the reading promotion; questionnaires were applied by Managing Committee - Natal/RN to CMEIs and the available websites from MEC that provide distribution of the acquis; in the second stage, we adopted the semi-structured interview as a methodological procedure elaborated with open questions that focus on the program management and to the acquis of PNBE; and in the third step we visited the 21 centers of childhood education in Natal for interviewing and to do the exploratory observation in places of reading. The Informant actors in this research are: the advisors of SME - Natal and FNDE, managers and teachers in Municipal Childhood Education Centers who totalize 30 informants. This theoretical and methodological framework follows the studies of Amarilha (1993; 1994; 2002; 2006; 2010; 2012), Bardin (2001), Bogdan; Biklen (1994), Castro (2007; 2008; 2012), Demo (2000; 2006; 2008), Fischer (2006), Moreira; Caleffe (2008), Paiva (2008; 2012), Secchi (2010; 2012), Soares (2003; 2008) and Zilberman (2001; 2003; 2008). The analysis indicates that decentralization strategy which is adopted in public management model will transfer responsibilities and assumption of the PNBE, exempting the actors to planning actions ensuring the efficiency and efficacy implementation on reading policy to national and municipal levels. The qualified acquis that is distributed by MEC reaches every Childhood Education center and does not depend on teacher's desire or it action, only a few of them know about it and they do not have information about the PNBE, neither receive specific training in order to articulate it to the practice of reading with children from Childhood Education. The reading project implemented by private education system in Natal overlaps the PNBE, making it invisible. The reading places that are available for that schooling stage are summarized to the reading corners. In some CMEI, books remain stored in boxes or they are locked in the closet, out of use to the teachers and students. Thus, care for the acquisition, selecting acquis, and a preoccupation to the supply of the reading and books for this education level are lost into volumes of closed boxes, teachers are jettisoned to this process and children do not have any enchantment to the reading or books. In this context, this paper draws attention to how much we should still investigate in order to understanding the perspectives, stresses and challenges from public policies for the reading promotion in our country. We hope that the research will help to improve the management model of the PNBE, ensuring the reading democratization and therefore the reader's training in early Childhood Education.

Comunicação pública e acesso à informação: o interesse público presente nas produções da assessoria de imprensa da prefeitura de Santarém (PA)

Public communication is based on the public interest and the effective democratization of communication in publics agencies. Access to information is the base for this is materializes solidly, helping even in formation as an individual. The work of the press office is the instrument for the Public Communication and access to information is guaranteed to society , since one of the goals of the press officer is to be committed to media , providing it material quality and depth , benefiting so the citizen. The research the look exactly on reflections on the topics listed above. The purpose of this study was to analyze the news published in Fanpage and Santarem Town Hall site, in western Para, meet the demands of Public Communication and the precepts of the Access to Information Law (AIL), starting the questioning until point to Santarem Town Hall works to public communication. For this analysis, we developed a work using the techniques of bibliographic and descriptive research. Such referrals have served as a starting point for fieldwork and for exhibition on the concepts of Public Communication of Access to Information Law, Organizational Communication and Press office. The research was considered, also, because document was to identify and verify the documents with a specific purpose. This research was lifting a quantitative survey to support the qualitative analysis of the object. So considering its features is that it was monitor the Fanpage and the Town Hall site, through a specific tool and then the analysis of posts, searching to observe public communication accomplished in the Town Hall of Santarem, on the Internet, especially social media and corporate website. The methodology helped obtain indicators that allowed add knowledge about the production of the Town Hall press office, and identify if the press office productions meet AIL and Public Communication. Finally, it was suggested in this study the elaboration a strategic script of communication because it scales the actions and policies of the Santarem city, allowing citizen participation. For this, too, it suggested the training of Santarem municipal government communication team as a strategy. This training consists of speeches and wheels conversations with all the press officer of the town hall, including the secretariats.

COMUNICAÇÃO COMUNITÁRIA E DIREITO À MORADIA: A experiência de mobilização do movimento de moradia com a Rádio Z FM na Área do Chafik em Mauá-SP

Estudo das condições para que os meios de comunicação comunitária venham a contribuir com a participação e organização dos movimentos populares. Os objetivos são analisar as relações entre as rádios comunitárias e o direito à moradia e compreender as implicações no desenvolvimento de processos político-comunicacionais subsidiados por uma metodologia de ação dialógica na produção de conteúdos realizados por agentes do movimento de moradia. A abordagem dialética é fundamentada principalmente no pensamento de Paulo Freire. As técnicas de pesquisa são a bibliográfica, a documental e a pesquisa-ação, a qual se desenvolveu junto à Associação para o Desenvolvimento Habitacional do Brasil – ADEHAB que atua na região conhecida como Área do Chafik, no Jardim Zaíra, em Mauá- SP, em parceria com a Rádio Comunitária Z FM, situada na mesma localidade. Concluise que a criação de novos fluxos comunicacionais comunitários incidem no fortalecimento do movimento popular e da rádio comunitária e os principais condicionantes para este processo reside na disposição dos movimentos populares em se apropriar dos espaços comunicativos reinventando sua práxis.

Responsabilidad social y debate artístico en el día de hoy. Los artistas enfrentados al conflicto armado en la antigua Yugoslavia (1989-2008)

This dissertation is concerned with a period unfortunate for the citizens of former Yugoslavia, but influential for its artists, who used their feeling of responsibility to leave valuable testimonies about their time. The research began in 2007 for the purposes of obtaining an advanced academic degree and was entitled Responsibility of the Artist Facing Social Conflicts: the Case of Yugoslavia (1989–2003). A part of it was presented in 2008, at the Women’s Worlds Congress held at Complutense University in Madrid (in cooperation with my mentor Dolores Fernández Martínez). This dissertation implied a broader scope of research on the topic of Social Responsibility and Artistic Debate Today. Artists in the Face of Armed Conflict in Former Yugoslavia (1989–2008), thus aiming to study the case of Serbian visual artists under Milosevic (1989–2000) and later, during the democratization of the Serbian society. The period in focus ends in 2008, except for the works in the group Monument where it stretches up to 2012.

Between Entrenchment, Reform and Transformation : Ethnicity and Lebanon’s Consociational Democracy

Peer reviewed

Between Entrenchment, Reform and Transformation : Ethnicity and Lebanon’s Consociational Democracy

Peer reviewed

Még egyszer a "rendszerparadigmáról". Tisztázás és kiegészítések a posztszocialista régió tapasztalatainak fényében = About the system paradigm once again: Clarification and additions in the light of experiences in the post-socialist region

A paradigma kifejezést Thomas Kuhn honosította meg a tudományfilozófiában: így nevezte el azt a sajátos szemléletmódot, ahogyan egy kutatási irányzat rátekint vizsgálata tárgyára. Azonos paradigmát használó kutatók hasonló kérdésekre keresik a választ, hasonló módszereket és fogalmakat alkalmaznak. A szerző 1999-ben publikált cikkében vezette be a "rendszerparadigma" kifejezést, amely a társadalomban működő rendszereket helyezi a vizsgálat középpontjába. A tanulmány a posztszocialista átalakulás során szerzett tapasztalatok alapján fejleszti tovább a korábbi cikkben kifejtett elméleti gondolatokat. Az első rész a szocialista és a kapitalista rendszert hasonlítja össze; leírja fő jellemzőiket, majd megállapítja, hogy Észak-Korea és Kuba kivételével az egykori szocialista országokban meghonosodott a kapitalista rendszer. A második rész a politikai-kormányzati formák szerint tipologizálja a kapitalizmus változatait. Három markáns típust különböztet meg: a demokráciát, az autokráciát és a diktatúrát. Huntington a demokratizálás harmadik hullámáról írt. A tanulmány arra a következtetésre jut, hogy ez a hullám elapadt, a 47 posztszocialista ország lakosságának mindössze egytizede él demokráciában, a többiben autokrácia vagy diktatúra uralkodik. A harmadik rész Magyarországra alkalmazza a kialakított fogalmi és elemzési apparátust: itt kapitalizmus van, a politikai-kormányzati forma autokrácia - lényeges közös jellemzők mutathatók ki más kapitalista országokkal, illetve más autokráciákkal. Ez összefér azzal a felismeréssel, hogy egyes - nem alapvető jelentőségű - vonások egyediek, "hungarikumok", különböznek minden más ország tulajdonságaitól. _____ The expression paradigm, introduced into the philosophy of science by Thomas Kuhn for the way a research trend views the subject examined, denotes a case where researchers pursue similar questions by similar methods with similar concepts. The author introduced the expression system paradigm" in a 1999 article centred on the systems operating in society. This paper takes those theoretical ideas further, based on experience in the post-socialist transformation. The first part compares the socialist and capitalist systems and their main features, establishing that all former socialist countries but North Korea and Cuba have embraced the capitalist system. The second adds a typology of the varieties of capitalism by politico-governmental form, marking three types: democracy, autocracy and dictatorship. Huntington writes of a third wave of democratization, which this study concludes has ceased. Democracy reigns in only 10 per cent of the 47 post-socialist countries, autocracy or dictatorship in the others. The third part applies this conceptual and analytical framework to Hungary, where capitalism prevails, with autocracy as its politico-governmental form. It shows strongly similar features to other capitalist countries and other autocracies. This is compatible with recognizing that some features of less than fundamental importance are specific to Hungary and differ from those elsewhere.

Restorative Justice and Political Forgiveness: A Comparative Study of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions

This research project involves a comparative, cross-national study of truth and reconciliation commissions (TRCs) in countries around the world that have used these extra-judicial institutions to pursue justice and promote national reconciliation during periods of democratic transition or following a civil conflict marked by intense violence and severe human rights abuses. An important objective of truth and reconciliation commissions involves instituting measures to address serious human rights abuses that have occurred as a result of discrimination, ethnocentrism and racism. In recent years, rather than solely utilizing traditional methods of conflict resolution and criminal prosecution, transitional governments have established truth and reconciliation commissions as part of efforts to foster psychological, social and political healing.

The primary objective of this research project is to determine why there has been a proliferation of truth and reconciliation commissions around the world in recent decades, and assess whether the perceived effectiveness of these commissions is real and substantial. In this work, using a multi-method approach that involves quantitative and qualitative analysis, I consider the institutional design and structural composition of truth and reconciliation commissions, as well as the roles that these commissions play in the democratic transformation of nations with a history of civil conflict and human rights violations.

In addition to a focus on institutional design of truth and reconciliation commissions, I use a group identity framework that is grounded in social identity theory to examine the historical background and sociopolitical context in which truth commissions have been adopted in countries around the world. This group identity framework serves as an invaluable lens through which questions related to truth and reconciliation commissions and other transitional justice mechanisms can be explored. I also present a unique theoretical framework, the reconciliatory democratization paradigm, that is especially useful for examining the complex interactions between the various political elements that directly affect the processes of democratic consolidation and reconciliation in countries in which truth and reconciliation commissions have been established. Finally, I tackle the question of whether successor regimes that institute truth and reconciliation commissions can effectively address the human rights violations that occurred in the past, and prevent the recurrence of these abuses.

We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Pan-African Consciousness Raising and Organizing in the United States and Venezuela

We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Pan-African Consciousness Raising and Organizing in the United States and Venezuela, draws on fifteen months of field research accompanying organizers, participating in protests, planning/strategy meetings, state-run programs, academic conferences and everyday life in these two countries. Through comparative examination of the processes by which African Diaspora youth become radically politicized, this work deconstructs tendencies to deify political s/heroes of eras past by historicizing their ascent to political acclaim and centering the narratives of present youth leading movements for Black/African liberation across the Diaspora. I employ Manuel Callahan’s description of “encuentros”, “the disruption of despotic democracy and related white middle-class hegemony through the reconstruction of the collective subject”; “dialogue, insurgent learning, and convivial research that allows for a collective analysis and vision to emerge while affirming local struggles” to theorize the moments of encounter, specifically, the moments (in which) Black/African youth find themselves becoming politically radicalized and by what. I examine the ways in which Black/African youth organizing differs when responding to their perpetual victimization by neoliberal, genocidal state-politics in the US, and a Venezuelan state that has charged itself with the responsibility of radically improving the quality of life of all its citizens. Through comparative analysis, I suggest the vertical structures of “representative democracy” dominating the U.S. political climate remain unyielding to critical analyses of social stratification based on race, gender, and class as articulated by Black youth. Conversely, I contend that present Venezuelan attempts to construct and fortify more horizontal structures of “popular democracy” under what Hugo Chavez termed 21st Century Socialism, have resulted in social fissures, allowing for a more dynamic and hopeful negation between Afro-Venezuelan youth and the state.

Autoritarismes étatiques et régulation religieuse du politique en République démocratique du Congo : analyse discursive de la parole épiscopale catholique sur les élections (1990-2015)

Centrée essentiellement autour de la parole épiscopale congolaise, la présente recherche porte sur les articulations de la religion et du politique dans une perspective limitée au catholicisme en RDC. En prenant pour base empirique la ville de Kinshasa, elle thématise les effets des dynamiques religieuses sur les fermentations sociales et les changements politiques dans un contexte d’autoritarisme. Celui-ci est, dans ce travail, problématisé comme le fait conjoint de l’institution étatique et de l’organisation religieuse catholique. Le choix de cette approche relationnelle basée sur les interactions entre religion et politique, permet d’inscrire ce travail dans le champ d’études des sciences des religions. L’approche retenue s’appuie également sur les avancées de la sociologie politique et éclaire la régulation religieuse du politique, rarement étudiée par les sciences humaines. Cette recherche s’inscrit donc à l’intersection entre l’histoire, la sociologie, les sciences politiques, l’anthropologie, l’analyse du discours, la philosophie et la théologie. Sa thèse centrale est organisée autour d’une question principale : comment la religion participe-t-elle à la régulation du politique dans le contexte d’autoritarisme caractéristique de la RDC ? La réponse à cette question croise l’approche fonctionnelle de la religion et l’analyse des déclarations institutionnelles de l’épiscopat congolais. Elle esquisse les relations entre, d’une part, contextes et événements sociopolitiques et d’autre part, discours et pratiques religieuses. Elle construit la scène religieuse à partir de la trajectoire sociopolitique, économique et culturelle de la RDC entre 1990 et 2015, sous les Présidents J.-D. Mobutu, L.-D. Kabila et J. Kabila. Elle étudie l'offre normative de sens de leurs éminences J.-A. Malula, F. Etsou et L. Monsengwo. L’analyse de la rhétorique de l’épiscopat sur les élections vérifie la plausibilité sociale et l’efficience politique de la parole épiscopale congolaise. Elle se ressource dans la pragmatique de la communication telle que mise en œuvre dans l’analyse argumentative du discours de R. Amossy et dans celle du discours politique de P. Charaudeau. En mettant la focale sur l’objet linguistique « vérité des urnes », la recherche pose au niveau normatif, juridique et éthique, le problème de l’institutionnalisation d’un État de droit en RDC. Les élaborations sur ce dernier niveau s’articulent autour de l’inscription de l’éthique dans l’agir politique. L’examen des modes conventionnels d’action des chrétiens (élections de 2006 et 2011) et non conventionnels (marche des chrétiens de 1992 et 2012) conduit à éclairer les modes de reproduction ou de contestation de l’autoritarisme étatique par l’organisation religieuse. Il permet de promouvoir une démocratie des valeurs et d’action adossée à la parrhêsia. L’introduction de l’aléthique dans la vie publique donne à voir la parole épiscopale congolaise comme un discours ethopoïétique. C’est sur ce point précis que les élaborations de M. Foucault sur la parrhêsia aident à thématiser la capacité de la religion à informer et à influencer la démocratisation de la RDC. De là, la requête formulée pour un nouveau système d’action institutionnelle de l’organisation religieuse, susceptible de promouvoir le courage de la vérité en situation autoritaire. Cette innovation permet de tenir ensemble les valeurs démocratiques et les valeurs de l’Évangile, en les corrélant à la cohérence axiologique, à la probité morale et à l’intégrité existentielle des protagonistes de la démocratisation de la RDC.

Hydroxyamidinates et polymères de coordination : suspicions et valences mixtes

Dans un contexte où l’énergie représente un enjeu majeur pour les pays et organisations à économies émergentes et développées, la recherche de nouvelles sources renouvelables et la démocratisation des vecteurs énergétiques permettant l’approvisionnement mondial de façon durable constitue un devoir pour la communauté scientifique internationale. D’ailleurs, il serait essentiel que les nombreuses disciplines de la chimie concertent leurs efforts. Plus particulièrement, la croissance de la recherche en chimie de coordination orientée vers la photosynthèse artificielle ainsi que le développement de matériaux fonctionnels démontre l’importance indéniable de ce champ de recherche. Ce travail présente dans un premier temps l’étude des différentes voies de synthèse d’hydroxyamidines, un ligand chélatant aux propriétés de coordination prometteuses ne recevant que très peu d’attention de la part de la communauté scientifique. Dans un deuxième temps, nous présenterons le développement d’une stratégie d’assemblage de leurs complexes supramoléculaires impliquant des métaux de transition abondants et peu dispendieux de la première rangée. Dans un troisième temps, il sera question de l’investigation de leurs propriétés photophysiques et électrochimiques à des fins d’applications au sein de matériaux fonctionnels. Pour ce faire, les différentes voies de synthèse des hydroxyamidines et de leurs amidines correspondantes qui ont précédemment été étudiées par les membres du groupe seront tout d’abord perfectionnées, puis investiguées afin de déterminer leur versatilité. Ensuite, les propriétés de complexation des amox résultantes comportant des motifs sélectionnés seront déterminées pour enfin étudier les propriétés photophysiques et électrochimiques d’une série de complexes de métaux de transition de la première rangée. En somme, plusieurs designs qu’offrent les amox et bis-amox sont étudiés et les propriétés des architectures résultantes de leur auto-assemblage sont déterminées.

Culture stratégique et libéralisation politique au Myanmar

Le Myanmar traverse un processus de libéralisation politique qui a été entamé par le haut. Le régime militaire a tenu des élections générales en 2010, lesquelles ont placé au pouvoir un nouveau gouvernement composé à la fois de civils et de militaires. Depuis, la majorité des sanctions imposées par plusieurs États occidentaux au Myanmar ont été levées, et on observe une diversification des relations internationales du pays. Imbriqué à la sphère d’influence chinoise depuis quelques années, celui-ci rétablit des contacts diplomatiques et économiques avec l’Occident. Peu de chercheurs ont tenté d’expliquer les causes de cette transition politique, et le lien entre libéralisation politique et diversification des relations internationales n’a pas encore été expliqué. Ce mémoire propose de le faire en utilisant un modèle théorique issu de deux types de littérature, celle sur la culture stratégique et celle sur les transitions politiques. Il suggère que la libéralisation politique du Myanmar s’explique par les luttes d’influences au sein du régime entre deux sous-cultures stratégiques, les hardliners et les softliners. L’application des normes favorisées par les hardliners ayant échoué dans l’atteinte des objectifs stratégiques du régime, les softliners ont pu imposer leurs propres préférences normatives. Il propose également que la libéralisation politique était une étape nécessaire pour que le gouvernement birman puisse diversifier ses relations internationales.