888 resultados para Joueurs de tennis


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in this issue...M Days, Library Museum, Copper Guards, Loretta Peck, Chess Club, table tennis, mine surveying, Cable TV, campus parking, Kangaroo Court, Convocation

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Incorporating physical activity and exertion into pervasive gaming applications can provide health and social benefits. Prior research has resulted in several prototypes of pervasive games that encourage exertion as interaction form; however, no detailed critical account of the various approaches exists. We focus on networked exertion games and detail some of our work while identifying the remaining issues towards providing a coherent framework. We outline common lessons learned and use them as the basis for generalizations for the design of networked exertion games. We propose possible directions of further investigation, hoping to provide guidance for future work to facilitate greater awareness and exposure of exertion games and their benefits.

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In this paper we present a hybrid method to track human motions in real-time. With simplified marker sets and monocular video input, the strength of both marker-based and marker-free motion capturing are utilized: A cumbersome marker calibration is avoided while the robustness of the marker-free tracking is enhanced by referencing the tracked marker positions. An improved inverse kinematics solver is employed for real-time pose estimation. A computer-visionbased approach is applied to refine the pose estimation and reduce the ambiguity of the inverse kinematics solutions. We use this hybrid method to capture typical table tennis upper body movements in a real-time virtual reality application.

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The match time spent on court in racquet sports can be perceived as dependent on the effort an athlete is willing to exert in a competition. Achievement motivation is defined as the effort a person spends on a difficult task with the completion of which she wants to meet a personal standard of excellence, wants to improve herself, or outperform others (McClelland, Atkinson, Clark, & Lowell, 1953). Fifty-two professionals of three racquet sports (tennis, table tennis, and badminton) filled in a questionnaire on their explicit achievement motive, a scale on general life stress, and a measure of the implicit achievement motive. Results indicate that the implicit but not the explicit achievement motive was able to predict the athletes' time spent on court (effort). Additionally the general life stress scale was negatively related to time spent on court. Findings are in line with theoretical assumptions that actual behavior is linked to the implicit achievement motive and that higher levels of general life stress lead to impaired performance in sports.

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Einleitung und Fragestellung In der Forschung zum Selbstgespräch im Sport dominiert die Frage nach dessen Wir-kung auf die Leistung. Der Einfluss des während der Leistungserbringung geäußerten Selbstgesprächs auf (un-)beteiligte Personen (z.B. Zuschauer, Gegenspieler oder Dop-pelpartner) wurde bislang kaum untersucht. Van Raalte, Brewer, Cornelius und Petitpas (2006) konnten immerhin zeigen, dass Zuschauer einen Tennisspieler als kompetenter einschätzen, wenn er in einem Laborexperiment mit positivem statt mit negativem Selbst-gespräch gezeigt wurde. In unserer Studie stehen Dyaden im Zentrum, in der eine Person eine andere beobach-tet, die mit sich selbst spricht. Untersucht wird, ob bei einer additiven Teamaufgabe sol-che Beobachtungen einen Effekt auf die Kompetenzeinschätzung und die Anstren-gungsbereitschaft haben. Es wird vermutet, dass die beobachtende Person dann eine höhere Anstrengungsbereitschaft (AV) zeigt, wenn sie einen Teampartner mit positivem Selbstgespräch (UV) beobachtet, da sie ihren Partner als kompetenter einschätzt und diese Einschätzung als Mediator wirkt. Methode Es wurde ein randomisierter Zweigruppen-Versuchsplan mit zwei Experimentalgruppen (je n=20) durchgeführt. Das Treatment bestand aus einem Video, das den (jeweils identi-schen) Teampartner bei der Bewältigung der zu absolvierenden visuomotorisch-koordinativen Testaufgabe zeigt (Test 2HAND des Wiener Testsystems). Das Video wur-de abhängig von der Gruppenzugehörigkeit mit negativen respektive positiven Selbstge-sprächsaussagen unterlegt. Die Mediatorvariable wahrgenommene Kompetenz wurde mittels eines Fragebogens erhoben, der in Anlehnung an Van Raalte et al. (2006) entwi-ckelt wurde. Das Vorgehen zur Erhebung der abhängigen Variable Anstrengungsbereit-schaft wurde von Ohlert (2009) übernommen: Die Probanden erhielten die Möglichkeit, sich auf die spätere Testphase vorzubereiten. Erfasst wurde dabei die Zeit, die sie für die Vorbereitung in Anspruch nahmen, und die Genauigkeit, mit der sie eine Reihe von Aufwärmaufgaben absolvierten. Ergebnisse Die Datenerhebung wurde soeben abgeschlossen. Die Ergebnisse der noch ausstehen-den regressionsanalytischen Auswertung werden auf der Tagung präsentiert. Literatur Ohlert, J. (2009). Teamleistung. Social Loafing in der Vorbereitung auf eine Gruppenaufgabe. Hamburg: Dr. Kovac. Van Raalte, J. L., Brewer, B. W., Cornelius, A. E. & Petitpas, A. J. (2006). Self-presentational effects of self-talk on perceptions of tennis players. Hellenic Journal of Psychology, 3, 134-149.

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Ausgangslage und Fragestellung In der Forschung zum Selbstgespräch im Sport dominiert die Frage nach dessen Auswir-kungen auf die sprechende Person selber. Gemäss Diaz (1992) besitzt das offene Selbstgespräch aber neben der individuell-regulatorischen auch eine sozial-kommunikative Funktion. Diese sozial-kommunikative Funktion und der damit verbunde-ne Einfluss des Selbstgesprächs auf Beobachter wurden in der Sportwissenschaft bisher nur marginal untersucht (z.B. Gould & Weiss, 1981; Van Raalte, Brewer, Cornelius & Pe-titpas, 2006). Im angestrebten Forschungsvorhaben sollen zwei Fragen geklärt werden: Steht das of-fene, während dem Wettkampf geäusserte Selbstgespräch eines Athleten in Zusammen-hang mit dessen Selbstdarstellung? Beeinflusst das offene Selbstgespräch eines Athle-ten den Dyadenpartner und wie sie sich gegenseitig wahrnehmen? Methode Es werden Doppelpartien im Badminton per Videokamera aufgezeichnet. Mittels einer Korrelationsanalyse soll überprüft werden, ob die so erhobenen Selbstgesprächsaussa-gen mit dem Persönlichkeitsmerkmal „Selbstdarstellung“ der Probanden zusammenhän-gen. Nach Spielschluss werden die Probanden entsprechend eines video-stimulierten Fremdkonfrontationsinterviews mit Spielausschnitten konfrontiert, die offenes Selbstge-spräch ihres Dyadenpartners enthalten. Sie werden dabei nach ihren Kognitionen sowie Emotionen gefragt, die sie während der entsprechenden Spielsituation erlebten. Aktuelle Fragen Welcher Fragebogen zur Erhebung des Persönlichkeitsmerkmals „Selbstdarstellung“ soll Verwendung finden? Zur Auswahl steht ein noch zu übersetzender, validierter, engli-scher und sportspezifischer Fragebogen und die Verwendung eines deutschen Frage-bogens, der habituelle Selbstdarstellungstechniken im Allgemeinen erhebt. Wie soll beim video-stimulierten Fremdkonfrontationsinterview vorgegangen werden? Werden den Probanden z.B. das ganze Spiel oder nur ausgewählte Ausschnitte gezeigt, in denen offenes Selbstgespräch vorkommt? Wie zeitnah muss das Interview durchge-führt werden? Literatur Diaz, R. M. (1992). Methodological Concerns in the Study of Private Speech. In R. M. Diaz & L. E. Berk (Eds.), Private speech. From social interaction to self-regulation (pp. 55-81). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Gould, D. & Weiss, M. (1981). The effects of model similarity and model talk on self-efficacy and muscular endurance. Journal of Sport Psychology, 3, 17-29. Van Raalte, J. L., Brewer, B. W., Cornelius, A. E. & Petitpas, A. J. (2006). Self-presentational effects of self-talk on perceptions of tennis players. Hellenic Journal of Psychology, 3, 134-149.

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Introduction According to Lent and Lopez’ (2002) tripartite view of efficacy beliefs, members of a team form beliefs about the efficacy of their team partners. This other-efficacy belief can influence individual performance as shown by Dunlop, Beatty, and Beauchamp (2011) in their experimental study using manipulated performance feedback to alter other-efficacy beliefs. Participants holding favorable other-efficacy beliefs outperformed those with lower other--‐efficacy beliefs. Antecedents of such other-efficacy beliefs are amongst others perceptions regarding motivation and psychological factors of the partner (Jackson, Knapp, & Beauchamp, 2008). Overt self-talk could be interpreted as the manifestation of such motivational or psychological factors. In line with this assumption, in an experimental study using dubbed videos of the same segment of a tennis match, Van Raalte, Brewer, Cornelius, and Petitpas (2006) found that players were perceived more favorably (e.g., more concentrated, and of higher ability levels) when shown with dubbed positive self-talk as compared to dubbed negative or no dubbed self--‐talk. Objectives The aim of the study was to examine the possible effects of a confederate’s overt self-talk on participants’ other-efficacy beliefs and performance in a team setting. Method In a laboratory experiment (between-subjects, pre-post-test design, matched by pretest performance) 89 undergraduate students (female = 35, M = 20.81 years, SD = 2.34) participated in a golf putting task together with a confederate (same gender groups). Depending on the experimental condition (positive, negative, or no self-talk), the confederate commented his or her putts according to a self-talk script. Bogus performance feedback assured that the performance of the confederate was held constant. Performance was measured as the distance to the center of the target, other-efficacy by a questionnaire. Results The data collection has just finished and the results of repeated measures analyses of variance will be presented and discussed at the congress. We expect to find higher other-efficacy beliefs and better individual performance in the positive self-talk condition. References Dunlop, W.L., Beatty, D.J., & Beauchamp, M.R. (2011). Examining the influence of other-efficacy and self-efficacy on personal performance. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 33, 586-593. Jackson, B., Knapp, P., & Beauchamp, M.R. (2008). Origins and consequences of tripartite efficacy beliefs within elite athlete dyads. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 30, 512-540. Lent, R.W., & Lopez, F.G. (2002). Cognitive ties that bind: A tripartite view of efficacy beliefs in growth--‐promoting relationships. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 21, 256-286. Van Raalte, J.L., Brewer, B.W, Cornelius, A.E., & Petitpas, A.J. (2006). Self-presentational effects of self-talk on perceptions of tennis players. Hellenic Journal of Psychology, 3, 134-149.

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Nach Krug und Kuhl (2006) sollten die Motivprofile von Leistungssportlern eine Passung zu den Anforderungen der jeweiligen Sportart aufweisen. Diesen Annahmen zufolge sollten bei Leistungssporttreibenden insbesondere das Leistungs- und Machtmotiv dominant sein. Im Rahmen zweier Studien wurde die Stärke des Macht-, Leistungs- und Anschlussmotivs von Leistungssporttreibenden mit denen von Freizeitsporttreibenden verglichen. In Studie 1 wurden die Motivprofile von 29 Leistungssporttreibenden mit denen von 34 Freizeitsportreibenden aus technik- und ausdauerorientierten Sportarten verglichen. An Studie 2 nahmen 86 Tennis-, Tischtennis- und Badmintonspieler als Hochleistungssportler teil deren Motivprofile mit denen von 57 Freizeitsporttreibenden aus interaktiven Sportarten verglichen wurden. Die impliziten Motive wurden mit Bildgeschichtenübungen (Picture Story Exercise, Operanter Motive Test) erhoben, die expliziten Motive mit Fragebögen (Zielsetzungsinventar, Personality Research Form). Die Ergebnisse bestätigen die Annahmen, dass Leistungssporttreibende höhere implizite und explizite Leistungsmotive als Freizeitsporttreibende zeigen. Die Unterschiede in den Anschlussmotiven und impliziten Machtmotiv wurden nur bei Hochleistungssportlern aus interaktiven Sportarten (Studie 2) gefunden.

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Research on performance and participation in (elite) sports has predominantly focused on variables relating to the achievement motive. However, some authors describe that athletes in interactive sports (e.g. tennis) are assumed to exhibit a strong power motive in order to win competitive matches, usually resulting in the demonstration of dominance or the experience of inferiority. The affiliation motive, by contrast, is not functional in elite sports due to their competitive rather than social character. In the present chapter we discuss how the three basic implicit motives of power, affiliation, and achievement relate to the sports field and describe how they can affect athletes’ performance. We present empirical evidence for the existence of different strengths of the three basic motives in three studies with elite athletes (Study 1), non-elite athletes (sport students, Study 2), and non-sport students infrequently involved in sports (Study 3). Our results suggest that elite athletes show higher levels of the implicit power motive compared to sport students, who in turn have higher power motives than non-sport students. Surprisingly, elite athletes do not differ from non-sport students regarding their implicit achievement motive. Moreover, non-sport students exhibit higher implicit affiliation motive scores than sport students and elite athletes. We propose that research on motivational processes of highly competitive athletes should – in addition to the achievement motive – focus more on motive themes like the implicit motives of power and affiliation.

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Au travers de stratégies appropriées, les ménages, appelés ici Unités de Production et de Consommation (UPC), cherchent à faire face à différents évènements et à améliorer leur situation économique et sociale tout en tenant compte des conditions écologiques. Au travers de l’Assemblée Générale Communale (AGC), les UPC peuvent créer des conditions cadres locales plus ou moins favorables aux stratégies qu’ils poursuivent. Par le développement d’une stratégie d’investissement communale mise en œuvre par l’AGC et une bonne coordination entre les UPC, les joueurs peuvent optimiser leurs investissements au niveau des ménages. Vainqueur est l’UPC qui à la fin du jeu dispose du plus grand patrimoine.

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Signatur des Originals: S 36/G02598

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A partir de los cuentos “Artista de variedades", “La fábrica" y “Una partida de tenis" de Daniel Moyano, proponemos un análisis de las distintas “miradas" de la ciudad desde la perspectiva del migrante del interior. En la construcción textual del espacio urbano, surgida, sobre todo, a partir del uso del estilo indirecto libre, se pone en juego, también, la percepción de los personajes sobre sí mismos en ese nuevo espacio. Éstos, en un movimiento pendular, se interrogan sobre su propia identidad, que construyen y reconstruyen permanentemente a través del abandono de viejas imágenes de identificación relacionadas con el pueblo de origen y la incorporación de modelos nuevos propuestos por la ciudad.

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How do sportspeople succeed in a non-collaborative game? An illustration of a perverse side effect of altruism Are team sports specialists predisposed to collaboration? The scientific literature on this topic is divided. The present article attempts to end this debate by applying experimental game theory. We constituted three groups of volunteers (all students aged around 20): 25 team sports specialists; 23 individual sports specialists (gymnasts, track & field athletes and swimmers) and a control group of 24 non-sportspeople. Each subgroup was divided into 3 teams that played against each other in turn (and not against teams from other subgroups). The teams played a game based on the well-known Prisoner's Dilemma (Tucker, 1950) - the paradoxical "Bluegill Sunbass Game" (Binmore, 1999) with three Nash equilibria (two suboptimal equilibria with a pure strategy and an optimal equilibrium with a mixed, egotistical strategy (p= 1/2)). This game also features a Harsanyi equilibrium (based on constant compliance with a moral code and altruism by empathy: "do not unto others that which you would not have them do unto you"). How, then, was the game played? Two teams of 8 competed on a handball court. Each team wore a distinctive jersey. The game lasted 15 minutes and the players were allowed to touch the handball ball with their feet or hands. After each goal, each team had to return to its own half of the court. Players were allowed to score in either goal and thus cooperate with their teammates or not, as they saw fit. A goal against the nominally opposing team (a "guardian" strategy, by analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game) earned a point for everyone in the team. For an own goal (a "sneaker" strategy), only the scorer earned a point - hence the paradox. If all the members of a team work together to score a goal, everyone is happy (the Harsanyi solution). However, the situation was not balanced in the Nashian sense: each player had a reason to be disloyal to his/her team at the merest opportunity. But if everyone adopts a "sneaker" strategy, the game becomes a free-for-all and the chances of scoring become much slimmer. In a context in which doubt reigns as to the honesty of team members and "legal betrayals", what type of sportsperson will score the most goals? By analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game, we recorded direct motor interactions (passes and shots) based on either a "guardian" tactic (i.e. collaboration within the team) or a "sneaker" tactic (shots and passes against the player's designated team). So, was the group of team sports specialist more collaborative than the other two groups? The answer was no. A statistical analysis (difference from chance in a logistic regression) enabled us to draw three conclusions: ?For the team sports specialists, the Nash equilibrium (1950) was stronger than the Harsanyi equilibrium (1977). ?The sporting principles of equilibrium and exclusivity are not appropriate in the Bluegill Sunbass Game and are quickly abandoned by the team sports specialists. The latter are opportunists who focus solely on winning and do well out of it. ?The most altruistic players are the main losers in the Bluegill Sunbass Game: they keep the game alive but contribute to their own defeat. In our experiment, the most altruistic players tended to be the females and the individual sports specialists

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How do sportspeople succeed in a non-collaborative game? An illustration of a perverse side effect of altruism Are team sports specialists predisposed to collaboration? The scientific literature on this topic is divided. The present article attempts to end this debate by applying experimental game theory. We constituted three groups of volunteers (all students aged around 20): 25 team sports specialists; 23 individual sports specialists (gymnasts, track & field athletes and swimmers) and a control group of 24 non-sportspeople. Each subgroup was divided into 3 teams that played against each other in turn (and not against teams from other subgroups). The teams played a game based on the well-known Prisoner's Dilemma (Tucker, 1950) - the paradoxical "Bluegill Sunbass Game" (Binmore, 1999) with three Nash equilibria (two suboptimal equilibria with a pure strategy and an optimal equilibrium with a mixed, egotistical strategy (p= 1/2)). This game also features a Harsanyi equilibrium (based on constant compliance with a moral code and altruism by empathy: "do not unto others that which you would not have them do unto you"). How, then, was the game played? Two teams of 8 competed on a handball court. Each team wore a distinctive jersey. The game lasted 15 minutes and the players were allowed to touch the handball ball with their feet or hands. After each goal, each team had to return to its own half of the court. Players were allowed to score in either goal and thus cooperate with their teammates or not, as they saw fit. A goal against the nominally opposing team (a "guardian" strategy, by analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game) earned a point for everyone in the team. For an own goal (a "sneaker" strategy), only the scorer earned a point - hence the paradox. If all the members of a team work together to score a goal, everyone is happy (the Harsanyi solution). However, the situation was not balanced in the Nashian sense: each player had a reason to be disloyal to his/her team at the merest opportunity. But if everyone adopts a "sneaker" strategy, the game becomes a free-for-all and the chances of scoring become much slimmer. In a context in which doubt reigns as to the honesty of team members and "legal betrayals", what type of sportsperson will score the most goals? By analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game, we recorded direct motor interactions (passes and shots) based on either a "guardian" tactic (i.e. collaboration within the team) or a "sneaker" tactic (shots and passes against the player's designated team). So, was the group of team sports specialist more collaborative than the other two groups? The answer was no. A statistical analysis (difference from chance in a logistic regression) enabled us to draw three conclusions: ?For the team sports specialists, the Nash equilibrium (1950) was stronger than the Harsanyi equilibrium (1977). ?The sporting principles of equilibrium and exclusivity are not appropriate in the Bluegill Sunbass Game and are quickly abandoned by the team sports specialists. The latter are opportunists who focus solely on winning and do well out of it. ?The most altruistic players are the main losers in the Bluegill Sunbass Game: they keep the game alive but contribute to their own defeat. In our experiment, the most altruistic players tended to be the females and the individual sports specialists

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How do sportspeople succeed in a non-collaborative game? An illustration of a perverse side effect of altruism Are team sports specialists predisposed to collaboration? The scientific literature on this topic is divided. The present article attempts to end this debate by applying experimental game theory. We constituted three groups of volunteers (all students aged around 20): 25 team sports specialists; 23 individual sports specialists (gymnasts, track & field athletes and swimmers) and a control group of 24 non-sportspeople. Each subgroup was divided into 3 teams that played against each other in turn (and not against teams from other subgroups). The teams played a game based on the well-known Prisoner's Dilemma (Tucker, 1950) - the paradoxical "Bluegill Sunbass Game" (Binmore, 1999) with three Nash equilibria (two suboptimal equilibria with a pure strategy and an optimal equilibrium with a mixed, egotistical strategy (p= 1/2)). This game also features a Harsanyi equilibrium (based on constant compliance with a moral code and altruism by empathy: "do not unto others that which you would not have them do unto you"). How, then, was the game played? Two teams of 8 competed on a handball court. Each team wore a distinctive jersey. The game lasted 15 minutes and the players were allowed to touch the handball ball with their feet or hands. After each goal, each team had to return to its own half of the court. Players were allowed to score in either goal and thus cooperate with their teammates or not, as they saw fit. A goal against the nominally opposing team (a "guardian" strategy, by analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game) earned a point for everyone in the team. For an own goal (a "sneaker" strategy), only the scorer earned a point - hence the paradox. If all the members of a team work together to score a goal, everyone is happy (the Harsanyi solution). However, the situation was not balanced in the Nashian sense: each player had a reason to be disloyal to his/her team at the merest opportunity. But if everyone adopts a "sneaker" strategy, the game becomes a free-for-all and the chances of scoring become much slimmer. In a context in which doubt reigns as to the honesty of team members and "legal betrayals", what type of sportsperson will score the most goals? By analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game, we recorded direct motor interactions (passes and shots) based on either a "guardian" tactic (i.e. collaboration within the team) or a "sneaker" tactic (shots and passes against the player's designated team). So, was the group of team sports specialist more collaborative than the other two groups? The answer was no. A statistical analysis (difference from chance in a logistic regression) enabled us to draw three conclusions: ?For the team sports specialists, the Nash equilibrium (1950) was stronger than the Harsanyi equilibrium (1977). ?The sporting principles of equilibrium and exclusivity are not appropriate in the Bluegill Sunbass Game and are quickly abandoned by the team sports specialists. The latter are opportunists who focus solely on winning and do well out of it. ?The most altruistic players are the main losers in the Bluegill Sunbass Game: they keep the game alive but contribute to their own defeat. In our experiment, the most altruistic players tended to be the females and the individual sports specialists