973 resultados para Great Britain. Army. Royal Naval Division.


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With: Audi alteram partem ... / by an Officer of His Majesty's Navy. London : J. Budd ; G. Sidney, 1804. -- A brief inquiry into the present condition of the Navy of Great Britain ... London : S. Highley, 1804. -- A reply to a pamphlet intituled "A brief enquiry into the present condition of the Navy of Great Britain" ... London : J. Ginger, 1804.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Slip of "Notice to the reader" inserted: v. 7.

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Some illustrations on folded leaves of plates.

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The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

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The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

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The London Gazette, originally called The Oxford Gazette, was first published in 1665, making it the world's oldest continuously published newspaper. This government paper, which contains official dispatches of Great Britain during peace time and war, provides a mix of State intelligence, government notices and trade/business news. Articles also discussed anything from naval operations, royal appointments, state visits, to military reports from Generals. The paper was and still is said to be published "with Authority". This issue was printed by Robert George Clarke, Cannon-Row, Parliament-Street.

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L’évolution du débat sur la pensée navale en Angleterre de la décennie 1880, suivant la fin d’une période d’intenses changements technologiques dans les marines de guerre est marquée par le déclin d’un mode de réflexion matériel et l’ascension, à partir des années 1885 et 1886, de l’école historique de John Knox Laughton. Selon la méthode matérielle, populaire au cours de la période de transformation technique, la guerre sur mer est entièrement tributaire du Progrès, tandis que, pour les tenants de la méthode historique, des principes et des leçons immuables la régissent. À travers l’évolution de ce débat, on constate l’introduction, par la Jeune École française, d’une perspective matérialiste et de la stratégie navale comme objet de réflexion, et son exploitation par l’école historique anglaise. L’émergence de la stratégie comme sujet de débat coïncide donc avec le triomphe de l’école historique. Croyant que la torpille allait démocratiser la puissance navale en empêchant le belligérant le plus puissant d’user de sa maîtrise des mers, la Jeune École connut un succès fulgurant qui déborda des côtes françaises et atteint l’Angleterre. Néanmoins, les matérialistes anglais, demeurant beaucoup plus modérés que les français, furent finalement marginalisés par une école historique utilisant les exagérations de la Jeune École, dont les insuffisances sont apparues lors des manœuvres de l’été 1886, pour disqualifier entièrement la méthode matérielle. Étudiant les débats du Royal United Service Institution Journal, ce mémoire démontre l’existence, en Angleterre, au cours de la décennie 1880, d’un débat polarisé au contraire d’une historiographie ne montrant que l’ascension des précurseurs de Mahan et de l’école historique.

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El interés de este estudio de caso es analizar el Programa Conjunto de UNFPA y UNICEF sobre MGF/E en Kenia bajo la luz de los postulados poscolonialistas. Partiendo de la idea de que la MGF es una manifestación de las desigualdades de género, se argumenta que el PC reproduce la imagen de la mujer keniana como una víctima del poder masculino. A partir de esta imagen se deslegitima el orden cultural de los grupos que siguen esta tradición, afectando las lógicas de unidad y cohesión de la sociedad. El análisis de este tipo de dinámicas permite comprender mejor los procesos de intervención de las organizaciones internacionales sobre las estructuras sociales de actores frágiles del sistema internacional.