921 resultados para Dispute
Resumo:
In Brazil, the Free Political advertising time (HGPE) represents one of the main venues for the contest between political parties, revealing a tool that streamlines the electoral dispute and enables all sectors and social classes of important information about dispute over candidates. In HGPE, political groups have the opportunity to present their programs of government and discuss issues that relate to the demands of the population. This research sought to examine the role played by so-called "government programs" in the electoral race for governor of Rio Grande do Norte in 2006, which had as main candidates, two traditional characters of the political landscape in Natal: Wilma de Faria (PSB) and Garibaldi Alves Filho (PMDB). According to our analysis, discussion of government programs such candidates in HGPE had not meant to enlighten the voters about the political projects designed, not just the desire to build an image of seriousness and competence of candidates, but appeared as a means to meet the schedule imposed by the opponent and as a strategic resource to select a specific segment of the electorate.
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The relation between State and civil society is not a very recent discussion, but it does not mean that debate is exhausted, since is in the historical context that the novelty is seized. Thinking like this, we may analyze how the relation between state and civil society happened in Acre during the decade of 1970. But, to understand how this relation is established in faraway Acre, we have available to the reader historical analyses, in a tireless attempt to clarify minimally aspects that characterize acreana society. To do this, we take on as a departure point, in general not differentiating of the given structure at national level, the conformation of this society was guided in a passive revolution, in another way, by high transformismo, relegating to the civil society, which is incipient, pífia a simple participation in the hegemonic policy direction. All this brings us to the thought that both state bureaucracy structure and the civil society organization, were influenced decisively for a traditional political elite. In addition, we begin the work with the lifting bibliographic reference searching and then we analyze the empirical reality, such as newspapers, official media publications and private, a few documents and last, interviews with political actors associated with the process consolidation of civil society in the 1970 decade. The interviewees were selected, firstly for their location in the region, and for their outstanding contribution to the consolidating process of recent Acre history. Thus, the interviews followed up on a semi-structured way, leading up, also, for the informations that the interviewees would have to pass on. The systematization and analysis of these surveys have shown us that, in the period before of the Acre Federal State lifting had, of course, a transformismo by high, but at 1970decade, the society with a more heterogeneous social formation, is not allowed, or at least, organize itself, to counter a systematic imposition. Thus, the hegemonic area of dispute between State and civil society occurs from the "reconciliation" with the adoption of public policies that amenizasse the dispute between both spheres, and to build up some bodies, settling a acreana civil society.
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We had as the problem of analysis in this research: what are the assumptions, principles and general content that based the Sistema Nacional de Avaliação da Educação Superior (SINAES). We started from the hypothesis that the general content of SINAES is essentially based on the assumptions and principles of a control/regulatory perspective of evaluation and a summative epistemology, objectivist and quantitativist, constituted by members who prioritize testing and classification of courses and institutions based on market values. The overall goal was to make a political evaluation of SINAES and the specific objectives were: a) apply the concepts of politics evaluation and meta-evaluation, b) identify the role of international organizations in education reform in the 1990s and its impact on superior education in Brazil c) redeem the concept of evaluation, especially in the field of studies in education; and d) investigate the evaluation policies of Brazilian superior education leading to SINAES. As for the technical procedures for collecting and analyzing data, the research was made with bibliography and documents, considering that it was developed by bibliographic sources and official publications. It was developed by crossing sources: texts or documents remitted to others; it was also concentrated: on the role of international organizations in educational and State reforms (in the 1990s); on the policies of evaluation of the Brazilian superior education (1980s and 1990s); on the proposal of the Comissão Especial de Avaliação (CEA); on the Law No. 10.861/2004; on the documents of CONAES; on the Decree No. 5.773/2006, and the MEC Regulatory Ordinances No. 4/2008 and No. 12/2008. It did not stop in the so called purely technical aspects, but in the ideological field itself. The research found that international organizations, notably the World Bank, played a political, intellectual and financial role determinant to the field of education, a fact that reflects in the legal framework. It was also found that the politics of evaluation of the superior education is historically marked by conflict, represented by two distinct perspectives of different natures and emphases. On one hand, the focus is on control / regulation, favoring efficiency, productivity and competitiveness benchmarking and prioritizing the punctual performance and measurement. On the other, it seeks to transform academic perspective in primarily formative / emancipatory, in order to support more institutional improvement. It was concluded that the CEA presented a conception evaluation predominantly formative and emancipatory, which emphasized the idea of system, centered around the institution and repudiated the rankings practices. In the post-formulation period, however, some of its principles were fragmenting and, gradually, the institution was giving way to the courses and the Exame Nacional de Desempenho de Estudantes (ENADE) grew in prominence. With the creation of the Conceito Preliminar de Cursos superiores (CPC) and of the Índice Geral de Cursos da Instituição de Educação Superior (IGC), it was redemeed the practice of evaluation as measurement and control, under the principles of efficiency and productivity. So, SINAES that seemed like a progressive evaluation method has assumed a setting that close resembles the Exame Nacional de Cursos (ENC-Provão). Nevertheless, the survival of institutional formative evaluation, in the superior education evaluation policies, still an issue in dispute
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Given the importance that political science and social sciences give studies of voting behavior, this study sought to fill this academic discussion another important element that makes up this complex set. From the campaign trail to City Christmas in 2012 work has been undertaken analysis of rejection in the first and second rounds of this election. For this analysis we used two sources of data: quantitative research, conducted by Search Consult the first and second rounds of elections, and the use of focus group technique, performed in the second round of elections. Knowing the various factors that may affect the voting decision, but also the dynamism that pervades a political dispute, seek, with this work, contribute to the deepening of the rejection of studies, aiming to bring subsidies presenting information to better explain the behavior studies election. The results showed that there is a less expressive, the chamda strong rejection. We speak of that rejection based on a political, historical and ideological. The reason for the weak presence of strong rejection seems to be little involvement of voters with politics and, consequently, low knowledge about politics and politicians. We observe, however, evidence of rejection volatile. We refer here to a kind of rejection that develops during the election process depending on the preference of the voter and according to the circumstances of the campaign. The data also lead us to conclude that television is as an instrument for the dissemination of ideas that can contribute in shaping the opinion of viewers. The role of political parties in representing the interests of the people have lost their strength in recent years. The data also show that, to the extent that increases the preference of voters in the electoral process, also increases its rejection
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This work is an attempt to show that the ideological conflict that has been developed by the hegemony of the 1930 Revolution historical events in Paraíba, conceptually turned into an insoluble social contradiction. It ocurred due to imaginary or formal resolutions of the literature that ended up by altering the epistemological rules of the relation between fiction and reality. The present work is based on The unconscious politics: a narrative as a socially symbolic act , book in which all the literary or cultural texts can and should be read as symbolic resolutions to insoluble social contradictions. From string to contemporary literature this phenomenon has been registered by the several ways of textual production turning the 1930 Revolution into one of the main elements which guides the political scene of Paraíba. The ideological groups still centered on the political resentment and committed to a political conflict forged the existence of two historical truths: one which suits the liberais , the winners, and another is of the 1930 conflict. This work argues in favour of the unconscious politics of the 1930 Revolution. This thesis considers necessarily the relation that the Paraibana society maintains with its past and how this past reaches in the present the liberation of a hidden and repressed truth through its narrativization. Beyond that, how the ideological partiality generated the political resentment through the way of thinking of the rivals under the perspective of the good and evil reveals its insoluble social contradiction. Process which comprehends varied narrative forms of the mass culture products and literary production, as in the methodological perspective pointed by Fredric Jameson that all literary or cultural texts can and shall be read as symbolic resolutions of true political and social contradictions. In the case of Paraiba we will have resolutions that search for the reasons which caused the death of João Pessoa: forgery and publicity of love letters, dispute over the official version of suicide commited by João Dantas, the man who assassinated João Pessoa
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This report has as its objective the setting up of a social cartography, mapping and characterizing non-governmental organizations working with adolescents and young people (OSC) in the western districts of the city of Natal. Characteristics such as the profile, themes and principal activities, how the organizations fit into the public sector and their participation in social networks are observed. Thus common differences and similarities which serve as a means of indentification, take as reference the symbolic cartography of Boaventura of Sousa Santos. Since there are relatively few studies relating to civil society of Rio Grande do Norte and in particular, Natal, the starting point was the setting up of a database allowing for a general overview. Hence a panorama of the organizations could be observed: where they are located, when they were formed how they operate and their relationships with other sectors (the state, the market and civil society) in addition to basic facts and location. The principal lines of enquiry were a) the OSC which operate with the public comprising adolescents and young people and b) the OSC operating or having branches in four suburbs on the periphery of the western administrative region of the city (Felipe Camarão, Bom Pastor, Cidade Nova and Guararapes).The present report has identified the impacts of ongoing social transformation caused by the process of globalization ,by the various currently contested political projects which are as follows: the project of neoliberal globalized capitalism(hegemonic)and the project of social emancipation (contra-hegemonic),how these are seen from the local viewpoint and how they influence the profiles and operation of the cartographic organizations. The area of the OSC is a heterogenous one with political, cultural and ideological strains, characterized by its infiltration, its local/global and multicultural dimensions. As civil organizations are fundamental in the processes of transformation within society, and following the idea of social emancipation referred to by Boaventura Santos, the enquiry classified the organizations according to the afore-mentioned characteristics, establishing eight types of associations. These different types and their respective characteristics were analysed from a related perspective using the mechanisms of symbolic cartography: scale, projection and symbolisation. The theoretical references underpinning this research arise from the debate on civil society which becomes redefined as a result of the dispute involving the two afore-mentioned political projects. These demand the theoretical application of the comprehension of heterogeneity in its diversity and complexity together with the idea of social emancipation.The main authors consulted were Boaventura de Sousa Santos, Antonio Gramsci, through the texts translated by Marco Aurelio Nogueira; Carlos Nelson Coutinho and Alberto Rivera ,who supported the construction of the types of associations identified by the local reality.Finally this research enabled an understanding of the current form of social action happening in the Space of the Four Neighbourhoods (Espaço dos 4 Bairros) and how the distinct profiles analysed together with the ares of operation of the organizations define their emancipatory potencials within the following two poles: regulation/adaptation and emancipation/transformation
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This thesis analyzes the political and electoral trajectory of the PFL in Rio Grande do Norte from its beginning in 1985 until his last electoral dispute in 2006, before the process of rebuilding occurred in 2007. The central argument of the thesis is that the PFL occupied side by side with the PMDB the central position in the dynamic of the state partisan politics. This was due to its ability to control the process of disputes for majority positions in the state, especially for Senate vacancies. The hypothesis that support the central argument are related to the trajectory of the formation of the party still under the military regime, where the group that took over the leadership of the party enjoyed privileged conditions for the consolidation of political and electoral power. Another factor associated with their performance was the force that was developed in the second-largest electoral college in the state, Mossoró. To these hypotheses we add the role Jose Agripino Maia who, leading without competitors within the party, concentrated a large power in making decisions in face of adverse contexts to ensure (his) conditions for success in majoritarian disputes
Resumo:
The independence of the United States and the revolutions that emerged in Europe in the eighteenth century led to the birth of the written constitution, with a mission to limit the power of the State and to ensure fundamental rights to citizens. Thus, the Constitution has become the norm and ultimate founding of the State. Because of this superiority felt the need to protect her, emerging from that constitutional jurisdiction, taking control of constitutionality of provisions his main instrument. In Brazil, the constitutionality control began with the Constitution of 1891, when "imported" the American model, which is named after incidental diffuse model of judicial review. Indeed, allowed that any judge or court could declare the unconstitutionality of the law or normative act in a concrete case. However, the Brazilian Constituent did not bring the U.S. Institute of stare decisis, by which the precedents of higher courts eventually link the below. Because of this lack, each tribunal Brazilian freely decide about the constitutionality of a rule, so that the decision took effect only between the parties to the dispute. This prompted the emergence of conflicting decisions between judicantes organs, which ultimately undermine legal certainty and the image of the judiciary. As a solution to the problem, was incorporated from the 1934 Constitution to rule that the Senate would suspend the law declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. With the introduction of abstract control of constitutionality, since 1965, the Supreme Court went on to also have the power to declare the invalidity of the provision unconstitutional, effectively against all without the need for the participation of the Senate. However, it remained the view that in case the Supreme Court declared the unconstitutionality of the fuzzy control law by the Senate would continue with the competence to suspend the law unconstitutional, thus the decision of the Praetorium Exalted restricted parties. The 1988 Constitution strengthened the abstract control expanding legitimized the Declaratory Action of Unconstitutionality and creating new mechanisms of abstract control. Adding to this, the Constitutional Amendment. No. 45/2004 brought the requirement of general repercussion and created the Office of Binding Precedent, both to be applied by the Supreme Court judgments in individual cases, thus causing an approximation between the control abstract and concrete constitutional. Saw themselves so that the Supreme Court, to be the guardian of the Constitution, its action should be directed to the trial of issues of public interest. In this new reality, it becomes more necessary the participation of the Senate to the law declared unconstitutional in fuzzy control by the Supreme Court can reach everyone, because such an interpretation has become obsolete. So, to adapt it to this reality, such a rule must be read in the sense that the Senate give publicity to the law declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, since mutated constitutional
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Dans cette étude, j'ai eu comme objectif d'établir les connexions et/ou les non-connexions dans les discours journalistiques sur la modernité pédagogique, dans les journaux O Correio de Aracaju (Le Courrier d'Aracaju, Sergipe, Brésil) et O Século (Le Siècle, Portugal), dans la période 1910-1920. J'ai tout particulièrement cherché le dit dans les journaux, dans le sens foucaldien du terme, en continu dialogue avec d'autres auteurs, dans une perspective interdisciplinaire. J'ai tenté de répondre à mon interrogation initiale : quelles sont les connexions et non connexions que l'on pourrait établir entre l'École Moderne du Portugal et celle de Sergipe, au Brésil, en prenant comme source d'analyse les discours journalistiques dans des journaux des deux pays ? Á partir de ce questionnement, à travers un abordage historico-comparatif interculturel, j'ai soutenu la THÈSE que les discours journalistiques du Século et du Correio de Aracaju, bien qu'ils relèvent de genres journalistiques différents quant au niveau de développement de la presse, ont traduit une perception et une assimilation de la modernité pédagogique articulées à une même epistémè. Ainsi, ces discours ont émergé comme objets métis, dont la création s'est faite dans des interlocutions, échanges, impositions et débats dans un processus continu de communication interculturelle. La nature messianique de ces discours, dans le système d'idées républicain, traduisait le sens de la modernité pédagogique prétendue et diffusée par les textes qui exprimaient l'aspiration de rupture et de progrès, tant au Portugal que dans l'état brésilien de Sergipe. Il a également été possible de faire des approximations/comparaisons entre la dispute (article d'opinion), dans le Correio de Aracaju et l'enquête (interview et reportage), dans O Século et de souligner ainsi les connexions et/ou non-connexions présentes sur le thème de la modernité pédagogique dans les discours journalistiques
Resumo:
The daily teaching invokes us to answer questions that surround the educational action, they are ethic and political exercises of us teachers, considering the responsibility that is presented to us in circumstance of perspective that we create as for our students´ formation. Considering the public school Terezinha Paulino as stage of the daily teaching which we invested, and finally, the school gymnastic group (GGTP), as pedagogical practice specifically attended during this study, we launch the following questions: 1. What are the ethic indicators present in the experience lived by GGTP members? 2. What s the meaning of these indicators for the GGTP members? 3. Do these meanings configure a socio-political dimension of the individuals involved formation ? What socio-political dimension is that? And What is its contribution to think of Physical Education in school? From these issues, we highlight our goals in this research: investigate the educational experience lived in GGTP, with a focus on the ethical elements that characterize and reflect the relationship of these elements in the socio-political dimension of Physical Education in school. To answer the initial questions and achieve our goals, we use the Content Analysis (BARDIN, 2004) as a methodological contribution of this research. From this methodological contribution we got two strands of the discussion here related: relational behavior of living and undesirable relational conduct and non-social. typical examples of good living are: union, cooperation, solidarity, fraternity, conversation, dialogue, love, trust, responsibility, commitment, dedication, application, respect, partition, sharing, gratitude, companionship, kindness Correspond to undesirable behaviors conduct: intrigue, strife (dispute), vanity, arrogance, anger, rage, fury, nervousness, anxiety and fear. Permeates the categories discussion, The group of knowledge produced by different authors, Humberto Maturana predominate among them, sometimes related to some of its main partners, , José Varela, Gerda Verden-Zöller and Sima Nisis de Rezepka. Although less frequent, we broach other authors, including Edgar Morin and Paulo Freire, to enlarge, articulate, and thus contribute to support the notes, contents of this study. Besides the introductory chapter, is the content of this dissertation: ethics: textual understanding, the methodological way; relational behaviors of living; undesirable conduct relational and non-social; gymnastics as an ethical and political bet on training human. In ethics: textual understandings, we make a brief introduction to distinguish the ethical field which we are advancing; In the methodology way, we briefly describe the implementation of the analysis content (BARDIN,2007); in relational behaviors of living, as well as, in undesirable relational conduct and non-social, we point out the meanings discussing them supported on theoretical contribution of this research. Finally, in gymnastics as an ethical and political bet on training human, we point out some possibilities for the gymnastic practice and physical education at school, as well as to think about education by training human bias.
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The Community Therapy (CT) is in a practice of therapeutic effect and may also be considered as a technology takes care of the therapeutic procedure group, whose purpose is to promote health, prevent illness, developed within primary care in mental health. In this study we sought to understand the social representations of health professionals who work with the Community Therapy, on use of the Family Health Strategy (FHS) in the city of Joao Pessoa. This is a field research with a qualitative view Moscovician Theory of Social Representations, held with seven professionals of the FHS, therapists of Community Health District II. The empirical data were obtained by carrying out two thematic therapies in April 2009, which were wheeled CT. It was used as a technique for analyzing the collective subject discourse, and the data presented through graphs, charts, maps, pictures and graphics and arranged in three stages: Subjects of the study, characterizing the study participants; Social Representations of Therapist Community presenting and discussing the social representations of therapists community studied on CT, and Consequences of Community Therapy at the Family Health Strategy, discussing the meanings attributed by the study participants about changes in FHS. Meanings were attributed to the CT by the therapists studied originated from the speeches, songs, drawings and constructed, and that presented by schematic illustration show the relation between the representations: life, listening, faith / light, change, transformation. The web, symbol of CT, appeared on the images constructed by the representatives of the study and represents the formation of bonds that allows the construction of social support networks that strengthen relationships among community. In the study, proved by professionals who have the meanings about the changes in the work process from the introduction of CT, and shown that the change took place within a more welcoming attitude on the part of professionals, the relationship between Team members had no significant changes, explained by the low compliance of team members to the CT in relation to the user front, the bond was strengthened, and this involved strengthening the role of the therapist community. It is recognized, thereby transforming the character of CT in building links with users, requiring, however, that the team is viewed as offering therapeutic services, not the professional therapist. Therefore, the CT for being a new phenomenon in health services and community belonging, it fits like a novelty which affects the construction of a representation dispute. Still, can contribute to the reorganization of mental health care in line with the new model of mental health care advocated by the Psychiatric Reform.
Resumo:
To the observe the periods of electoral campaigns, we can realize sharply the abundance of political propaganda that announces the candidates, their campaign record, their proposed and everything that can carry them to the victory in the urns. The propaganda is today an essential tool in the votes dispute, in consequence of this, there is, in Brazil, the increasing participation of the Politics Parties in seminars of electoral marketing. They are varied strategies of the media used in the divulging of the candidacies, among them the slogan. Instigated by the explicit relation media/political, this work intends to investigate the ideologies (values) announced by the slogans of political propaganda that circulated in electoral periods. Thus, we base on the theory of the Circle of Bakhtin, who considers the statement as unit of the verbal communication, and that conceives the language as phenomenon dialogical, and, too, in the conceptions of alien words, social voices and dialogical relations formulated by the referred theory. We use, for better to comprehend, the slogan as strategy mediatic, of the classical study done by Olivier Reboul concerning the slogan; and, like starting point of a conception about ideology, studied John Thompson to comprehends the ideological phenomenon. Our corpus it constitutes of 14 political slogans announced in the campaigns for mayor of the cities in Natal and Mossoró, both located in Rio Grande do Norte s state, Brazil, in 1996, 2000 and 2004. For the analysis of these slogans, we consider the social-historical context in which were announced, being contemplated the linguistic and discursive aspect, according to the following methodological order: the identification of alien words (interdiscours); the social voices and the kinds dialogical relations established; and, finally, the ideology announced by the statement. This way, we can arrive to the conclusion that in the electoral context occurs a true ideologies war , in other words, in the political game of an electoral campaign, the slogans announces different values, which vary in several factors function, for example, the historicity, the subject that enunciates, the discursive positionings.
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In the context of late modernity, the socio-cultural transformations established new social practices which corroborate discursive changes in dialectic movements, contributing to the order of the educational discourses to be more and more affected by typical market discourses and values which are covered by ideologies, hegemonic struggles and power relations. In this sense, this research study, which is based on the theoretical tenets of the Critical Discourse Analysis in its interdisciplinary branch (FAIRCLOUGH, 2006; ORMUNDO, 2010; PEDROSA, 2010; RAMALHO E RESENDE, 2011), aims at discussing how the sociocultural changes in the context of private education interact with the market proposal of neoliberal and economical policies. The research was methodologically based on the qualitative approach (CHIZZOTTI, 1991; BOGDAN e BIKLEN, 1994; MINAYO, 1994), especially on the principles of contemporary Applied Linguistics (SIGNORINI, 1998; MOITA-LOPES, 2006; MENEZES, SILVA, GOMES, 2009). Data were gathered from advertisements used in campaigns by private educational institutions and agencies in Natal/RN; the advertisements were collected in primary and secondary levels and in language courses from October to December, 2010. The data analysis indicate that education, in the context of globalization and late modernity, has become a market agency and that the new face of the educational discourse of private institutions is interwoven with a social representation of education as a site of struggle and hegemonic dispute. Therefore, the research leads us to infer that, as the educational public policies based on hegemonic economy and on ideological assumptions of international agents (Global Bank, FMI, etc.) have become widespread, education has become an arena of dispute and a powerful economic product to the market of cultural and commercial industry, thus emphasizing a society in which everything is economically based
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O presente artigo apresenta uma análise do Plano Nacional de Saúde publicado em 2004. Este documento expressa um importante período de transição na gestão do SUS, uma vez que foi predecessor do Pacto pela Saúde. A partir de um estudo descritivo com base em procedimentos quantitativos e qualitativos, o objetivo foi compreender as ideias centrais do documento, identificando as conexões existentes entre seus princípios, objetivos e prioridades. O principal resultado do estudo foi a identificação da integralidade das ações, da capacitação dos recursos humanos e mudança do marco regulatório com base numa visão intersetorial como núcleo central do documento. Essas ideias, por sua vez, circulam pelo discurso das diretrizes do plano, fortalecendo os laços do eixo central do texto na reorganização da atenção ambulatorial e na qualificação profissional. Por fim, quando comparadas metas e ações previstas nas diretrizes, observa-se uma tensão entre o que foram denominados vetores da verticalidade e da horizontalidade, deixando em aberto o rumo do lugar social em disputa.
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This thesis studies the use of argumentation as a discursive element in digital media, particularly blogs. We analyzed the Blog "Fatos e Dados" [Facts and Data], created by Petrobras in the context of allegations of corruption that culminated in the installation of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry to investigate the company within the Congress. We intend to understand the influence that the discursive elements triggered by argumentation exercise in blogs and about themes scheduling. To this end, we work with notions of argumentation in dialogue with questions of language and discourse from the work of Charaudeau (2006), Citelli (2007), Perelman & Olbrechts-Tyteca (2005), Foucault (2007, 2008a), Bakhtin (2006) and Breton (2003). We also observe our subject from the perspective of social representations, where we seek to clarify concepts such as public image and the use of representations as argumentative elements, considering the work of Moscovici (2007). We also consider reflections about hypertext and the context of cyberculture, with authors such as Levy (1993, 1999, 2003), Castells (2003) and Chartier (1999 and 2002), and issues of discourse analysis, especially in Orlandi (1988, 1989, 1996 and 2001), as well as Foucault (2008b). We analyzed 118 posts published in the first 30 days of existence of the blog "Fatos e Dados" (between 2 June and 1 July 2009), and analyzed in detail the top ten. A corporate blog aims to defend the points of view and public image of the organization, and, therefore, uses elements of social representations to build their arguments. It goes beyond the blog, as the main news criteria, including the posts we reviewed, the credibility of Petrobras as the source of information. In the posts analyzed, the news values of innovation and relevance also arise. The controversy between the Blog and the press resulted from an inadequacy and lack of preparation of media to deal with a corporate blog that was able to explore the characteristics of liberation of the emission pole in cyberculture. The Blog is a discursive manifestation in a concrete historical situation, whose understanding and attribution of meaning takes place from the social relations between subjects that, most of the time, place themselves in discursive and ideological dispute between each other - this dispute also affects the movements of reading and reading production. We conclude that intersubjective relationships that occur in blogs change, in the form of argumentative techniques used, the notions of news criteria, interfering with scheduling of news and organization of information in digital media outlets. It is also clear the influence that the discursive elements triggered by argumentation exercise in digital media, trying to resize and reframe frames of reality conveyed by it in relation to the subject-readers. Blogs have become part of the scenario information with the emergence of the Internet and are able to interfere in a more effective way to organize the scheduling of media from the conscious utilization of argumentative elements in their posts