982 resultados para Vacunas contra papilomavirus


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Droughts surfaced in 1877 as a crucial problem for the birthing Brazilian nation. Engineers, who formed the country's technical and scientific elite, took it upon themselves to study, understand and fight the problem through planned actions of intervention on space. This work, based on proposals and discussions contained in engineering magazines and reports, aims to provide elements for the comprehension of how these systematized actions against droughts, in the Iate nineteenth and early twentieth century, contributed to spatial analysis and the formation of a (then-inexistent) regional and territorial planning discipline in Brazi!. Engineers, by taking up the position of masterminds in the country's modernization, guaranteed for themselves personal economic stability, social prestige and political power. By understanding nature, either as a resource to be exploited or an adversary to national progress, they contributed to the delimitation of the region now known as the Northeast. By seeking to understand the drought phenomenon, they created knowledge about the space they sought to intervene on; by constructing their projects amid political and economical difficulty, they changed the organizational structures of cities and country in the northeast. The proposals for açudes (Iarge water reservoirs) allowed the fixation of population and the resistance against droughts; the roads - railroads and automotive roadways - connected the sertão to the capitais and the coast, speeding up help to the affected populations during droughts and allowing the circulation of goods so as to strengthen the local economies in normal rimes. The adopted practices and techniques, adapted from foreign experience and developed through trial and improvement, were consolidated as an eminently spatial intervention course, even if a theoretical body of regional or territorial planning wasn't formed in Brazil. Regional Planning proper was first applied in the country in the Northeast itself, in the 1950s, based off an economical view of reality in order to achieve development. The engineer's work prior tothat date, however, cannot be dlsconsldered. It was proved that, despite facing financial and political hurdles, engineers had a profound commitment to the problem and intended to act systematically to transform the economical and social relations in the region, in order to be victorious in their struggle against droughts

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In this study, a BCR-ABL expressing human chronic myelogenous leukaemia cell line (K562) was used to investigate the antitumoral potential of a novel lectin (CvL) purified from the marine sponge Cliona varians. CvL inhibited the growth of K562 cells with an IC50 value of 70 g/ml, but was ineffective to normal human peripheral blood lymphocytes in the same range of concentrations tested (180 g/ml). Cell death occurred after 72 h of exposure to the lectin and with sign of apoptosis as analysed by DAPI staining. Investigation of the possible effectors of this process showed that cell death occurred in the presence of Bcl-2 and Bax expression, and involved a caspase-independent pathway. Confocal fluorescence microscopy indicated a major role for the lysosomal protease cathepsin B in mediating cell death. Accordingly, pre-incubation of K562 cells with the cathepsin inhibitor L-trans-epoxysuccinyl-L-leucylamido-(4-guanidino)butane (E-64) abolished the cytotoxic effect of CvL. Furthermore, we found upregulation of tumor necrosis factor receptor 1 (TNFR1) and down-modulation of p65 subunit of nuclear factor kappa B (NFB) expression in CvL-treated cells. These effects were accompanied by increased levels of p21 and downmodulation of pRb, suggesting that CvL is capable of cell cycle arrest. Collectively, these findings suggest that cathepsin B acts as death mediator in CvL-induced cytotoxicity possibly in a still uncharacterized connection with the membrane death receptor pathway

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Leptospirosis is a worldwide zoonosis of considerable medical and economical importance that affects humans in both urban and rural contexts, as well as domestic animals and wild fauna. Leptospira interrogans is the causative agent and is transmitted to humans by indirect contact with contaminated soil or water. The clinical syndromes include sub clinical infection, self-limited anicteric febrile illness, and severe and potentially fatal illness, known as Weil´s syndrome. In developed countries, leptospirosis is related to occupational or recreational activities while in developing countries, outbreaks occur during floods. In those regions, traditional strategies to prevent the transmission are difficulties to be implemented because of costs and lack of community acceptance. In addition, no efficient vaccine is available for human use. Several studies have suggested that chemoprophylaxis with doxycycline pre and post-exposure may be effective to prevent leptospirosis. Leptospirosis has been reported in rural areas of the State of Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil since 1985 in rice farmers who present the anicteric illness. The disease cause great social and economics impact. The study was conducted in São Miguel where an epidemic of leptospirosis in rice farmers was reported. The main objective was to determine the efficacy of doxycycline in preventing Leptospira exposure. A taxa de soroprevalência de leptospirose na população estudada antes e após a colheita foi de 14,2% (n=22) e de 16.6% (n=27) respectivamente. Anti-Leptospira serology was determined for 61 subjects in two instances, pre and post-exposure to potential contaminated water. There was an increased risk of 29.0 per cent in acquiring infection for individuals that did not use doxycycline. In addition, an increased risk of 30.0 % observed in farmers who did not use protection when exposed to Leptospira. The adhesion to preventive chemoprophylaxis was 55.7%. Therefore doxycycline, under specific circunstances appears to be an effective alternative to protect against leptosprirosis infection. A large sample composed of individuals to adhere to preventive therapy is needed to define time, dosage and length of use of doxycycline in this area

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Toxoplasmosis is a zoonosis of worldwide distribution caused by the protozoan Toxoplasma gondii, triggering dangerous complications in immunocompromised patients and pregnant women, as well as having great economic impact for the livestock. So far the control of toxoplasmosis is made primarily by chemotherapy. However, most drugs used routinely have some limitations. In order to control this disease, several research groups, including ours, has been working to develop a medical-veterinary vaccine based on parasite antigens, vectors and protocols of immunization. In this study were implemented and standardized methodologies for amplification and cloning of recombinant immunogens in the system for the development of a prototype vaccine, based on the surface antigens of T. gondii and recombinant adenovirus encoding these antigens. Genes encoding BAG1, GRA2 and SAG1 proteins were amplified. We established a strategy for cloning SAG1, SAG2, SAG3 and TgAMA1- genes in recombinant system. The genes encoding SAG1 and SAG2 were cloned and their sequences showed high similarity with sequences from GenBank. The virtual translation of these proteins showed polymorphisms in the amino acid sequence, which can be correlated with levels of antigenicity. Simultaneously, the adenovirus encoding the SAGs (HAdSAGs) were expanded, purificated and characterizated. Immunization of C57bl/6 mice, using viral supernatant was not enought to elicit immune responses at high levels, being required HAdSAGs titration for future immunizations. Therefore, this study allowed the cloning of the two genes important for the development of a prototype vaccine. Besides, implementations methodologies that permit advancements in the development of a vaccine against toxoplasmosis using adenovirus to express proteins of the parasite

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In Brazil, several species of scorpions are known to cause accidents which can lead to death, which are mainly belonging to the genus Tityus. The scorpion Tityus serrulatus is the main responsible for more severe cases. Anti-scorpion serums are routinely produced by various institutions, despite their effectiveness, quality and action depends on how quickly treatment is started. Studies have been developed in the search for appropriate technologies to encapsulate and release recombinant or natives proteins capable of inducing antibody production. In this context, chitosan copolymer which can be obtained from the partial deacetylation of chitin or in some microorganisms and it is biocompatible and biodegradable has been widely used for this purpose. This study aimed to search for a system release from chitosan nanoparticles for peptide / protein of the venom of the scorpion T. serrulatus, able to provide a new model of immunization in animals, in order to obtain a potential novel polyclonal serum, anti-venom T. serrulatus. The chitosan nanoparticles were prepared by ionic gelation with polyanion tripolyphosphate (TPP). After standardizing the concentrations of TPP and chitosan was evaluated the efficiency of incorporation of bovine serum albumin (BSA) and scorpion venom, showed particle size compatible with the intended purpose. The particles showed adequate size around 200nm. The crosslinking was confirmed by absorption spectroscopy in the infrared. After verified the high encapsulation efficiency (EE) for acid bicinconínico method (BCA) protein assay and the particle size distribution, the success of the technique was proven and the potential for in vivo application of nanoparticles. The experimental animals were vaccinated and the antibodies measured by ELISA

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The theme of civil society has resonated significantly in the analysis of social science studies and has long been the center of public opinion, applied to a vast range of contexts, significances and political ideological connotations. Starting with such an unstable theoretical scenario, our research proposal scrutinized two civil society analysis traditions. Embodied by Antonio Gramsci and Jürgen Habermas, these politically conceptual differences are significantly divided into distinct interpretations of the relationship between the state and civil society. On one side, in Gramsci's work, we observe civil society as historically constituted through "molecular expansion of the state", organizing itself during its obligatory constitutive moment. On the other, Habermas shows us a civil society instituted from the structural differentiation process of society developed due to the contradiction existing between the different ways the state administration is organized, the economy and daily social interaction (in which it is found). As a consequence, civil society is no longer seen as a political arena and the hegemonic catalyst of the state, but as a social arrangement destined to increase the viability of the ethical and dialogical reconstruction of social life. It follows that the understanding of the distinctions between both models of civil society become crucial in the measure that they are divided in relation to the delineation of acting agents, fighting strategies, and to the objective of their actions.Despite the existence of analytical dissonance, we intend to outline the common points between both these civil society analysis traditions whose conflicting political action models lead us to a greater understanding of our contemporary political scene. This will be done starting with the systematization of both selected authors' principal categories, and through the introduction of the "contra-hegemonic public sphere" concept

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This research is responsible for the investigation and problematization of the violence production process in children and teenagers through deviant behaviour, especially the drug s use and traffic, given that the deviant behaviour named juvenile criminality is something built and that can t be disassociated from the social and institutional relations that are ideological and violent, as well as the construction of, social and individual, positive identities can become important instruments for the process of democratization and the effective juvenile citizenship. In relation to the teorical referential, the work was developed from readings beyond the social science camp, without getting far from it, searching for support in other scientific camps and making your bases on Manuel Castells formulations about the power of the identity, and on Nancy Fraser and Axel Honneth in relation to the recognition struggle. In the empiric field, the discourses and graphic representations from twenty four children and teenagers that attend a social project were privileged, and compared to those shown at the documentary and the book Falcão Meninos do Tráfico produced by MV Bill, in relation to the social profile and life trajectory. From the study subjects' perspective, the data suggest that the children and the teenagers conceive violence as a natural thing, either as victims or persecutors. However, the research shows that, despite the subjects of the two studied groups reveled in your discourses the influence of the violent relations in their daily lives, the subjects got recognition during the process of identity construction by the groups with which they maintained the sense of belonging, either it being the family, the community or the school, they were positively influenced and established a positive representation of themselves and didn t show any deviant and violent tendency or behaviour. Therefore, we demonstrate the role of the school for an education for peace, as well as the participation of the family, the community and the stimulation of the juvenile protagonism as transforming practices, capable of awaking the citizenship and avoiding the construction of people that reproduce deviant and violent behaviour

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This survey aims to study the importance of the Women's Police Station in gender conflicts resolution and the effectiveness in meeting to the protection and assistance to the woman who suffers domestic and family violence, whereas its relationship with the existence or not of specific programs directed to this problematic. The present work analyzes the process of implementing such public policies from empirical data collected along the Station Specialized women`s defence; focuses on the process of articulation between the plurality of actors and interests. This review is a qualitative research and part of the construction of a theoretical landmark, analyzes data documentary sources and covers a sample of the various participants. Discusses about domestic violence against women, focusing also on the issues relevant to the elucidation of this thematic, demystify the dichotomy between the public and private sphere and explicit symbolic dimension of domestic violence as a violation of the human rights and fundamental freedoms

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No presente estudo, 100 fêmeas bovinas foram divididas em cinco grupos de 20 animais cada. Os grupos experimentais receberam quatro diferentes vacinas comerciais (B, C, D e E), e um grupo permaneceu como controle. Amostras foram colhidas no dia da aplicação da primeira dose e nos dias 3, 7, 14, 21, 28, 35, 42, 49, 56, 63, 70, 77, 84, 91, 120, 150 e 180 pós-vacinação (PV). A triagem dos animais foi feita pela análise sorológica com 6 antígenos de leptospiras, escolhendo-se os animais não reagentes. Os títulos de anticorpos foram monitorados pela soroaglutinação microscópica (SAM) com os sorovares Canicola, Grippotyphosa, Hardjo, Icterohaemorrhagiae, Pomona e Wolffi. Todas as vacinas induziram, aos 3 dias PV, títulos de anticorpos aglutinantes para os sorovares Hardjo e Wolffi, que persistiram até o 150º dia PV. Os sorovares Hardjo e Wolffi induziram os maiores títulos de anticorpos aglutinantes. A vacina D, apesar de não possuir o sorovar Wolffi em sua composição foi capaz de induzir anticorpos aglutinantes contra este sorovar. Somente foram detectados anticorpos contra o sorovar Canicola nos animais vacinados com a bacterina D. A vacina que induziu os maiores títulos médios de anticorpos, considerando todos os sorovares testados foi a D.

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A pretensão deste trabalho foi o de analisar o discurso da revista semanal Veja sobre o governo de Hugo Chávez Frías, atual presidente da República Bolivariana da Venezuela. Através da leitura das reportagens, procuramos apresentar o comportamento da revista em relação ao se governo e a forma que sua política é classificada, representada. Reunimos edições da revista, entre 1998 a 2002, início do seu governo - eleito em dezembro de 1998, toma posse no início de 1999, período da tentativa de golpe (frustrada) em abril de 2002. O trabalho procura mostrar como as matérias não são isentas e que há um claro posicionamento ideológico da revista, que se insere no conjunto mais geral da mídia conservadora e anti-Chávez. O presidente, eleito e reeleito democraticamente, aparece sempre nas diversas reportagens da revista caracterizado como golpista, ditador, populista, fanfarrão. O nosso objetivo é o de revelar como Veja criou uma imagem negativa do presidente da Venezuela, coerente com os princípios neoliberais defendidos pela revista. A Venezuela com Hugo Chávez, com a chamada Revolução Bolivariana , realiza uma experiência singular de governo num país de larga tradição antidemocrática e afirma caminhar na contracorrente do pensamento hegemônico neoliberal. Em contrapartida, a revista Veja se apresenta com um representante da burguesia financeira e importante sujeito na construção e continuidade do neoliberalismo

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The birth models of care are discussed, in the light of classical and contemporary social science theoretical background, emphasizing the humanistic model. The double spiral of the sociology of absences and the sociology of emergences is detailed, being based, on one hand, on the translation of experiences of knowledge, and, on the other, on the translation of experiences of information and communication, by revealing the movement articulated by Brazilian women on blogs that defend and bring into light initiatives aiming to recover natural and humanized birth. A cartography of the thematic ideas in birth literature is produced, resulting in the elaboration of a synthetic map on obstetric models of care in contemporaneity, pointing out the consequences of the obstetric model that has become hegemonic in contemporary societies, and comparing that model to others that work more efficaciously to mothers and babies. A symbolic cartography of the activism for humanizing birth on the Brazilian blogosphere is configured by the elaboration of an analytical map synthetizing the main mottos defended by the movement: Normal humanized birth; Against obstetrical violence; and Planned home birth. The superposition of the obstetric models of care s map and the rebirth of birth s analytical map indicates it is necessary to reinforce three main measures in order to make a paradigmatic turn in contemporary birth models of care possible: pave the way for the humanistic care of assistance in normal birth, by defending and highlighting practices and professionals that act in compliance with evidence based medicine, respecting the physiology of birth; denaturalize obstetric violence, by showing how routine procedures and interventions can be means of aggression, jeopardizing the autonomy, the protagonism and the respect towards women; and motivate initiatives of planned home birth, the best place for the occurrence of holistic experiences of birth. It is concluded that Internet tools have allowed a pioneer mobilization in respecting women s reproductive rights in Brazil and that the potential of the crowd s biopower that resides on the blogosphere can turn blogs into a hegemonic alternative way to reach more democratic forms of social organization. In that condition of being virtually hegemonic in contesting the established power, these blogs can be understood, therefore, as potentially great contra-hegemonic channels for the rebirth of birth and for the reinvention of social emancipation, as their author s articulate and organize themselves to strive against the waste of experience, trying to create reciprocal intelligibility amongst different experiences of world

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As substâncias entorpecentes acompanham a humanidade desde o início da civilização. No entanto, várias delas foram consideradas proscritas ao longo do tempo. Seu combate foi inaugurado na comunidade internacional a partir do começo do século XX. No início, tinha o condão eminentemente moral, porquanto a proibição encerrava, por princípio, a proteção da ética ameaçada pelo padrão desviado do consumo de estupefacientes. Na década de 1970, a guerra contra as drogas, expressão cunhada nesse período, evoluiu para se tornar o meio pelo qual o consumo seria mitigado. Dez anos mais tarde, ante à impossibilidade de sucumbir o narcotráfico, passou a ser um fim em si mesma o novo argumento para os esforços militares dos Estados Unidos da América. A criminalização das substâncias entorpecentes consideradas ilícitas é fundamento jurídico da guerra contra as drogas. Esse modelo proibicionista encontra argumento no direito penal do inimigo, segundo o qual o Estado pode, em situações que exponham a coletividade a grave perigo, negar à determinada categoria de criminosos (os inimigos) as garantias inerentes ao direito penal, cabendo-lhes apenas a coação estatal. Mesmo tendo consumido trilhões de dólares, encarcerado aos milhões e custado a vida de milhares de pessoas, pode-se dizer que a guerra contra as drogas não reduziu a oferta e o consumo de substâncias entorpecentes consideradas ilícitas, nem mitigou os danos delas decorrentes pelo contrário, tornou-se um problema de segurança pública. Assim, impõe-se a verificação da constitucionalidade da norma penal que fundamenta a guerra contra as drogas, sob ponderação do princípio da proporcionalidade. Referido postulado cobra que a norma seja adequada, cumprindo a finalidade pretendida, necessária, não havendo meio menos gravoso à obtenção do mesmo fim, e proporcional, estrito senso, que a sanção imposta ao indivíduo seja equivalente ao dano que se quis prevenir. Em matéria penal há de se incluir um outro elemento, a ponderar se as consequências da proibição em matéria penal, por si só, são mais graves que os consectários dos fatos que se pretendem proibir - exige-se que a lei seja socialmente menos ofensiva. A norma penal que fundamenta a guerra contra as drogas não se mostrou hábil a mitigar os danos sociais delas decorrentes sendo, por isso, inadequada. Existem meios alternativos à criminalização mais eficientes à esse objetivo, pelo que se faz desnecessária. Na medida em que estupefacientes mais nocivos à coletividade são considerados lícitos, a criminalização de drogas menos danosas se mostra desproporcional. E, uma vez que dela resultam graves danos à sociedade, não atende ao critério da menor ofensividade social. É, portanto, inconstitucional

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The right against self-incrimination is a fundamental right that works in the criminal prosecution, and therefore deserves a study supported by the general theory of criminal procedure. The right has a vague origin, and despite the various historical accounts only arises when there is a criminal procedure structured that aims to limit the State´s duty-power to punish. The only system of criminal procedure experienced that reconciles with seal self-incrimination is the accusatory model. The inquisitorial model is based on the construction of a truth and obtaining the confession at any cost, and is therefore incompatible with the right in study. The consecration of the right arises with the importance that fundamental rights have come to occupy in the Democratic Constitutional States. In the Brazilian experience before 1988 was only possible to recognize that self-incrimination represented a procedural burden for accused persons. Despite thorough debate in the Constituent Assembly, the right remains consecrated in a textual formula that´s closer to the implementation made by the Supreme Court of the United States, known as "Miranda warnings", than the text of the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution that established originally the right against self-incrimination with a constitutional status. However, the imprecise text does not prevent the consecration of the principle as a fundamental right in Brazilian law. The right against self-incrimination is a right that should be observed in the Criminal Procedure and relates to several of his canons, such as the the presumption of not guilty, the accusatory model, the distribution of the burden of proof, and especially the right of defense. Because it a fundamental right, the prohibition of self-incrimination deserves a proper study to her constitutional nature. For the definition of protected persons is important to build a material concept of accused, which is different of the formal concept over who is denounced on the prosecution. In the objective area of protection, there are two objects of protection of the norm: the instinct of self-preservation of the subject and the ability to self-determination. Configuring essentially a evidence rule in criminal procedure, the analysis of the case should be based on standards set previously to indicate respect for the right. These standard include the right to information of the accused, the right to counsel and respect the voluntary participation. The study of violations cases, concentrated on the element of voluntariness, starting from the definition of what is or is not a coercion violative of self-determination. The right faces new challenges that deserve attention, especially the fight against terrorism and organized crime that force the development of tools, resources and technologies about proves, methods increasingly invasive and hidden, and allow the use of information not only for criminal prosecution, but also for the establishment of an intelligence strategy in the development of national and public security